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Determinants of Aquatic Food Consumption

Our individual food preferences are unique, but they are based on cultural rules, practices and traditions we have around food (Sobal & Bisogni, 2009). In Nordic countries, eating fish has strong cultural roots varying regionally based on location and access to fish, with islands and coastal areas relying on the sea, whereas the inner parts of the countries have relied on lakes and rivers as the source of fish. Despite the differences in traditional sources of fish, the preservation methods of drying, fermenting, smoking and pickling are shared practices in the Nordic countries.  The traditional use of seafood is still part of the seasonal festivities at Easter, Midsummer and Christmas meals for many consumers.
The culture creates the frame for using food, but also the context in which it is bought or eaten shapes how a product is perceived and accepted.  Context covers a wide range of factors related to where, when, and with whom food is bought or eaten, as well as whether the eating occasion is an everyday routine or a special occasion.  To understand why a fish product is chosen and eaten, we need to combine the product characteristics and consumers’ motivations and capabilities with the context of use.

Sociocultural factors

Typically, fish is eaten as part of a meal, most commonly either lunch or dinner (Holm et al., 2019). Fish is suitable for several types of meal solutions, eaten as a fried, baked, or cooked component in a meal, or used in a casserole or soup. There are several Nordic traditional dishes where fish is the core component, and these dishes are often served as part of special occasions or seasons, such as pickled herring and raw-salted salmon at Midsummer or Christmas in Finland or fish stew at Christmas in Iceland. When the goal is to promote fish consumption, considering the roles fish play in food culture is important, as they may pave the way for greater use or serve as barriers to it. Traditional use patterns may not be functional in today’s household provisioning activities, but they may provide heuristic analogues that make fish more attractive to consumers.
Food traditions are part of how consumers express their identity in terms of culture, ethics, and social belonging. For traditional food products, nostalgia related to what was eaten in childhood increased involvement in traditional products, and perceived uniqueness increased intentions to use traditional products (Olsen et al., 2021). For example, closeness to fishing traditions and locally caught species connected to where consumers live can create nostalgia, often expressed through the use of specific seafood and processing methods (Tobias & Dieterle, 2023). There is also an effect of generations and how they express identities through seafood consumption, such as Gen Z (people typically born between mid-to-late 1990s and the early 2010s), being more focused on sustainability (Gibson et al. 2023)

Food socialisation

Food preferences and habits are learned throughout our lifetime as part of the food socialisation process (Birch et al., 2007). An important part of learning happens during childhood when children are exposed to different food-related experiences in different social environments, including home with parents and siblings, as well as daycare, schools and other environments with peer influences. Part of food socialisation is learning to eat fish as well as learning to use and prepare fish for different eating occasions. In a Norwegian study, children (4-6 years old) who participated in an intervention, eating fish at least twice a week in the kindergarten, had a more positive disposition towards fish (Alm et al., 2015). Parents and older siblings provide a model that may either promote or discourage fish eating. Parents’ model and influence increased fish consumption in an Icelandic study (Thorsdottir et al., 2012).
Fish and seafood often have the challenge of being disliked by some members of the family, which may act as a barrier against eating fish at family meals (Bredahl & Grunert, 1995; Olsen, 2004). Although buying food for the household is mainly the responsibility of adults, children and adolescents influence decisions either directly or by expectations parents have about their preferences (Olsen & Ruiz, 2008; Alm et al., 2015; Hesselberg et al., 2024; Pedersen et al. 2012). Negotiating food choices among household members with different needs plays an important role in creating harmony and contentment in households.  

Social norms

The social norm for desired fish consumption is set by the nutrition recommendations, and these norms are based on current knowledge on relationships between food and health, and to an extent also sustainability. As previously mentioned, Nordic countries share the basis for nutrition recommendations through the NNR. However, each Nordic country has its own food-based dietary guidelines that vary in minor details depending on each country’s dietary patterns and food traditions.
Cialdini et al. (1990) have divided the norms into injunctive and descriptive norms.  The injunctive norms relate to what we should do, and descriptive norms to what we expect to be typical behaviour in a situation. The injunctive social norms are expressed in food-based dietary guidelines recommending eating fish 2-3 times per week, but the social sanctions for deviating from the norm are not strong. The descriptive norm of fish eating is lower than the injunctive norm, as people eat fish less often than recommended; therefore, there is no strong pressure to follow the recommendation, as it is not what people usually do.
Social norms are conveyed to children during the socialisation process through family eating routines and decision-making. Social norms may play a central role in adopting aquatic food to one’s diet because they act as drivers for choosing fish despite the fact that children may dislike the taste or have neophobia towards eating fish (Olsen, 2004; Altintzoglou et al., 2015). Social norms of fish eating imposed by parents and by giving a model of enjoying the food may act as cues of rewarding consequences from eating fish (Higgs, 2015). Consuming the food will increase familiarity, and positive consequences of eating are likely to support the development of food preference.

Individual factors

Individual factors refer to personal characteristics and psychological determinants that shape aquatic food choices. These include socio-demographics such as age, gender, and income, as well as attitudes and beliefs, subjective norms, trust, affective factors, habits, food literacy and individual tendencies. Unlike cultural or contextual influences, individual factors act at the personal level. Understanding these factors is important when developing interventions that can target different consumer segments and encourage shifts toward healthier, more sustainable diets.

Socio-demographics

Demographic features such as age, gender, education, and ethnic identity significantly influence aquatic food consumption in Nordic countries. Age is a particularly important factor. Norwegian adults under 34 consume considerably less aquatic food than older groups, with the highest intake reported among those aged 65 and above (Norwegian Seafood Council, 2018). Similar age-related patterns have been found in Sweden (Becker et al., 2007) and among Danish children and adolescents aged 10–17 (Højer & Frøst, 2022).
At the same time, younger consumers often have a high level of environmental concern and a strong preference for sustainably sourced seafood (Gibson et al., 2023). Gender differences are also evident as women tend to place greater emphasis on health considerations when choosing seafood compared with men (Harwatt et al., 2024). Education is another socio-demographic factor that influences consumption. People with higher levels of education are generally more knowledgeable about aquatic foods and more likely to adopt sustainable food choices. Ethnic background also matters, as cultural traditions and familiarity with seafood strongly influence preferences and eating habits (Olsen et al., 2017). Taken together, these socio-demographic factors play an important role in shaping aquatic food choices across the Nordic region.
Cost is another critical consideration. Aquatic foods are often more expensive than other sources of animal protein, and price is frequently identified as a barrier to higher consumption (see chapter on product price). Price sensitivity differs between population groups, with income, education level, and household composition all influencing how consumers balance cost against health, sustainability, and other product attributes (Franco‑Arellano et al., 2019; Jensen et al., 2018). Fish and seafood have experienced the steepest price increases among all food categories in recent years in the Nordic countries (see chapter on product price). Consumers with higher education and high income are more likely to use fish according to recommendations when measured as 2-4 times per week (Salmela et al., 2022). The higher price may partly explain why the higher socio-economic status is linked to higher fish consumption. Although less expensive fish options are available, they may not be well-known or widely accepted among consumers.

Attitudes and beliefs

Attitudes are among the most extensively studied constructs in the social and behavioural sciences and are considered one of the most influential determinants of food choice (Fishbein and Ajzen, 2010; Chen and Antonelli, 2020), including aquatic food choice (Olsen, 2004). An attitude can be defined as a summary evaluation of an object or behaviour, which can be positively (favourable) or negatively valued (unfavourable) (Ajzen, 1991).  Several studies have confirmed a strong positive effect between attitude towards eating fish and consumption frequency of fish, as well as seafood in Nordic countries (Olsen, 2003; Olsen, 2007; Tuu et al., 2008; Tunca et al., 2024). Attitudes follow directly from beliefs about the attitude object, which are typically formed by associating the object with various characteristics, qualities, and attributes (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010). Over time, individuals develop beliefs about aquatic foods through personal experiences, direct observation, or indirectly via information from friends, teachers, media, and other external sources. However, only salient beliefs, those that come readily to mind, serve as the primary determinants of attitude (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). For aquatic food products, examples of these beliefs include health-related, taste and quality, price, environmental, and cultural aspects. These represent only some of the beliefs shown to influence consumer attitudes, and these and other important factors are discussed throughout this document.

Subjective norms

In addition to previously described social norms, individual consumers have subjective norms related to how they think they are expected to behave.  In the Reasoned Action Approach (RAA; Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010), the interest is in subjective norms related to what we think those people important to us think we should do and our willingness to comply with their expectations.  Personal norms relate to our own standards and expectations of our own behaviour.  If we deviate from the wishes of our important people, their disapproval can be a strong motivator towards either maintaining or changing the behaviour. Subjective norms have been shown to explain intentions to choose sustainable seafood options (Olsen et al., 2008; Tunca et al., 2024).
The distinction between social and subjective norms is complex in empirical studies, as norms in general are based on a shared understanding of what is expected and appropriate in a given context. The subjective norm relates more to the perception of social pressure from people close to us, whereas social norms can be described as generic guidelines for expected or desired behaviour in society. Eating fish regularly is often regarded as a social norm, but whether we follow it depends on perceived pressure from our immediate environment. Subjective norms develop as part of the food socialisation process, similar to preferences and attitudes, but they can also change over time.

Trust

Consumer trust is crucial for effective communication about the product's potential benefits. Many quality attributes in fish are conveyed to consumers with labelling information, such as sustainability, time and place of catching the fish, date marks on shelf-life and nutrition composition. However, these pieces of information are helpful only if consumers can trust their accuracy. According to the EIT Food Trust Report 2021, consumers in Denmark and Finland have relatively high trust in the integrity of food (61% and 64% vs. 47% in the whole sample of 18 countries), as well as fewer consumers reporting distrust (14% and 10% vs. 23% in the whole sample). Similarly, the trust in all actors in the food sector (farmers, manufacturers, retailers, and authorities) was rated higher than the whole sample.  The high trust in integrity and different actors suggests that consumers in the Nordic countries trust the information they receive in food products, and therefore, product labelling can be used as a trusted channel to deliver information about the products.
Research across several EU countries (Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands, Poland, and Spain) has examined how consumers use and trust different sources of information about fish (Pieniak et al., 2007). The findings show clear differences in both usage and trust. Personal sources such as family, friends, and fishmongers are the most frequently consulted and have the most significant influence. Recommendations from health professionals and authorities are among the most trusted sources and are strongly linked to higher fish consumption. By contrast, mass media channels like television, radio, and newspapers tend to be less trusted, although they help distinguish consumer segments. Product labels also play an important role, providing practical details such as expiry dates, price, species, and assurances of safety and health benefits. A recent Swedish study supports these findings, confirming that personal sources remain highly trusted and widely used, and highlighting the potential role of fishmongers and seafood counter staff in guiding consumers and offering reliable information (Costa et al., 2024). These findings show the importance of using the appropriate information sources to communicate about increased aquatic food consumption.

Affective factors 

Food choices are strongly linked to emotional and affective responses to food. Taste and liking for food comes out as the strongest reason behind food choices (Steptoe et al, 1995). Taste of food and pleasure are experience-based attributes in foods and require no information or knowledge. Emotions are short-term bodily reactions that can be divided according to their valence to positive and negative emotions as well as according to their arousal level (Russel, 1980). Taste and pleasure derived from positive sensory experience are known as the strongest motivations behind food choices, whereas dislikes and the high arousal negative emotions of disgust and fear can act as barriers in food choices (Costa et al., 2024). Children in the kindergarten talked about their fish preferences in terms of making them happy (love it) or disgusted (hate it), demonstrating the emotions we associate with foods and eating from an early age (Alm et al., 2015). Capture fish and aquaculture induced more positive than negative emotions (Böhm et al., 2025). Older respondents express more positive emotions, whereas women express them less compared to men. Emotions were also linked to values so that those with biospheric values and sustainability concerns expressed stronger negative emotions towards captured fish, but those with hedonic value orientation expressed less strong negative emotions.  Dislike for fish products is a challenge for adopting higher fish consumption, but it is easier to tackle with behaviour change mechanisms, such as improving capabilities and motivation, than the disgust reaction. Disgust reaction can also carry a moral dimension related to diet orientation, with low disgust scores among omnivores and pescatarians, whereas the vegans and vegetarians score high on fish disgust (Ioannidou et al., 2023).

Habits

There is a growing awareness among scientists that food choice behaviour is not necessarily based on cognitive processes only, but at least some food consumption behaviour is habitual (Khare & Inman, 2006; Jeżewska-Zychowicz et al., 2024; Coricelli, C. 2023). It is an activity we repeat several times every day, and we often do not invest much thought and effort in everyday food choices because of limited information processing capacity (Cohen & Babey, 2012; Zhu et al. 2024). The literature of habitual food consumption in Nordic countries is scarce. Most of the “habit” literature is about food consumption patterns, which is not in the scope of this chapter. However, we believe that the nature of habits is universal, and the theoretical findings presented in this chapter also apply to the Nordic countries. 
Habit is treated as a psychological factor in this report; that is, it is not just an often-repeated behaviour, as it is often used in relation to consumption patterns. Habits are evoked by cues in the environment (Brug et al., 2006; Khare & Inman, 2006; Ji & Wood, 2007), and they develop through repeatedly performing behaviour in stable contexts (Wood et al., 2002). When this repetition occurs, associations are built up between the cues in the environment and the person’s response. If the context is stable and the behaviour is perceived as satisfactory, the associations acquire a degree of automaticity (Verplanken, 2006): behaviour is performed without awareness, is difficult to control, and is mentally efficient (i.e., one may do other things in parallel) (Verplanken & Orbell, 2003). Ji and Wood (2007) found in a study that consumers repeated habitual behaviours of snacking even if they intended otherwise, thus underlining the efficiency of habits: they free capacity in people’s minds to think about something else. Research on habits and food choice has mostly focused on product categories. This research has shown that habit is a powerful predictor of consumption of a wide range of food categories (e.g., Verplanken, 2006; Brug et al., 2006; Saba et al., 2000), including aquatic foods (Verbeke & Vackier, 2005; Birch & Lawley, 2014; Honkanen et al., 2005).

Food literacy

Food literacy encompasses the knowledge, skills, and behaviours essential for influencing dietary choices. It is defined as a multidimensional construct consisting of several interrelated competencies required to plan, select, manage, prepare, cook, consume, and dispose of food in ways that meet nutritional needs and determine intake (Vidgen & Gallegos, 2014). Food literacy develops over time, meaning that it generally increases with age. It helps individuals to understand and navigate an increasingly complex food system (Edwards et al., 2025).
Some dimensions of food literacy have been studied among Nordic consumers, in particular cooking skills and knowledge. One in three Norwegian young adults (ages 18–35) reports that limited cooking skills and knowledge influence their food choices (Heide et al., 2023). The study also shows that there is significant variation in confidence levels when preparing meals with different types of ingredients. Young adults feel most confident making familiar dishes such as pizza, tacos, and pasta, while they are least confident when cooking fish fillets, cod fillets, or vegetarian meals. Confidence in preparing pork, beef, and chicken dishes falls between these extremes. The findings further show that young adults can prepare the greatest number of dinner dishes using vegetables and chicken (an average of seven), followed by beef and pork (around six dishes). They can prepare fewer dishes with salmon and other fish fillets (around five), and the fewest with cod fillets (around four). The findings also show a clear connection between cooking skills and the amount of aquatic food being consumed. The young adults with the highest reported cooking skills eat about 40% more fish than those with less skills. Other studies suggest similar influences at the family level, where parents' cooking skills have been positively associated with children's seafood intake. Greater confidence in preparing fish seems to encourage higher fish consumption among youths (Burns et al., 2024). Finally, cooking skills have been shown to influence food choices in Norwegian men (Wien et al 2021). This suggests that enhancing food literacy and, in particular, culinary skills could be a strategic approach to increasing seafood consumption. This suggests that improving practical cooking skills, particularly for aquatic foods, could be an effective strategy to increase fish intake.

Individual tendencies and orientations

Food-related individual tendencies and orientations refer to how consumers perceive themselves and how this perception shapes their food choices.  Individual tendencies, such as food neophobia and innovativeness, are regarded as relatively stable consumer features, whereas orientations are more malleable and shift over time.  Below are gathered those factors that are regarded as most relevant in aquatic food choices.

Dietary orientation

The majority of Nordic consumers identify themselves as omnivores when asked in different consumer studies, with flexitarians and pescatarians getting a smaller but varying share in the description of diet.  The share of vegetarians and vegans is typically low, staying below five percent. There is no standard way of asking about diet orientation, and the numbers between studies are therefore not directly comparable. In Danish annual surveys, the number of people who tried or reported reduced meat consumption varied between 39 and 47 percent in 2020–2023, depending on the year (Lejsgaard et al., 2024).  If the aim is to promote fish consumption, those consumers who identify as pescatarians or flexitarians are a potential target group, as they are looking for alternatives to meat consumption. 

Environmental orientation

Environmental orientation reflects consumers’ concern for sustainability and ecological impact. Those with strong environmental values tend to choose foods with a low environmental footprint, often guided by eco-labels. In seafood, this is commonly expressed through preferences for fish or products certified by sustainability schemes such as the Marine Stewardship Council (See chapter on health and sustainability labelling for more examples). In the Nordic region, sustainability is embedded in the NNR, and in 2025, the Nordic Council emphasised the importance of sustainable aquatic food systems and responsible stewardship of marine ecosystems.

Health orientation

Health orientation is when consumers prioritise nutrition and disease prevention when they choose their food. Consumers with a high health orientation often include seafood in their choices, as it is frequently selected due to its health-promoting properties and recommendations, such as positive health outcomes from omega-3 fatty acids and overall dietary benefits (Budhathoki et al., 2022). This type of behaviour is not influenced by whether seafood is farmed or wild (Altintzoglou et al. 2011).  Health-oriented consumers represent a substantial segment, approximately 30%, of Nordic seafood consumers, as identified in a study in Norway, Iceland and Denmark (Altintzoglou et al., 2012).

Convenience orientation

Convenience orientation is the degree to which consumers prioritise ease and speed while planning, preparing, cooking and disposing of food. Ready-to-eat products and easy recipes are examples of concepts that are attractive to such consumers.  According to a recent review, the perceived convenience of seafood products significantly influences purchase decisions, as busy lifestyles lead consumers to choose seafood that requires minimal effort and time (Govzman et al., 2021). Many Nordic consumers prefer convenient seafood options. The convenience factor often overrides other considerations, leading to potentially less sustainable seafood choices; hence, improving convenience without compromising sustainability is an important challenge for the seafood industry (Christenson et al., 2017). Convenience in terms of including ingredients and recipes that assist food preparation is also relevant for the Nordic markets (Altintzoglou et al. 2012). However, when consumers have high confidence in their cooking skills, they do not prefer convenient products (Wien et al 2021). Convenience-oriented consumers account for a large portion, approximately 40% of seafood consumers in Norway, Iceland, and Denmark (Altintzoglou et al., 2012).

Ethical orientations

Ethical concerns are becoming increasingly important in seafood consumption across the Nordic region. Ethically conscious consumers want transparency in sourcing and production methods, and they support responsible fishing and aquaculture practices (Theben et al., 2020; Altintzoglou et al., 2010). Labels that effectively communicate their commitment to animal welfare and sustainable harvesting are more likely to engage these consumers (Franco‐Arellano et al., 2019). Fish welfare is also increasingly important for consumers in Norway (Govaerts and Altintzoglou, 2024).
Certifications can help reassure consumers about the ethical standards of seafood products. When paired with detailed sourcing information, these certifications enhance trust and influence purchasing behaviour (Wellard‐Cole et al., 2020). In the Nordic context, where ethical consumption is closely tied to cultural identity, aligning marketing strategies with these values is essential (Franco‐Arellano et al., 2019).

Food neophobia

Food neophobia can be described as a personality trait characterised by “the reluctance to eat and/or avoidance of novel foods” (Pliner and Hobden, 1992). This trait significantly influences consumers’ food choices and is characterised by a cautious approach toward foods with unfamiliar sensory attributes. Food neophobia has been positively related to other factors like familiarity, convenience, and price, while negatively correlated with health, natural content, weight control, environmental concerns, animal welfare, social justice, and ethical food choices (Jaeger et al., 2021). The majority of studies identify food neophobia as a significant barrier to the consumption of certain foods, including insects (e.g., Hartmann et al., 2015) and cultured meat (Wilks et al., 2019).
For aquatic foods, food neophobia has been associated with various types of aquatic foods, including algae (Birch et al., 2019; Moons et al., 2018; Costa et al., 2025). Costa et al. (2025) recently examined how food neophobia influences sensory expectations for five types of seafood (salmon, herring, oysters, octopus and seaweed), among Swedish consumers. The findings revealed that expected liking was highest for salmon, followed by herring, seaweed, and, lastly, octopus and oysters. Food neophobia showed a negative association with expected liking for all species except salmon, likely due to its familiarity and regular consumption in Sweden.
In a Norwegian study, food-neophobic toddlers were found to consume less fish. Although not directly investigated, the authors suggested several possible explanations, including instinctive avoidance of unfamiliar fish varieties, heightened sensitivity to strong odours, and aversion to soft or easily crumbling textures (Helland et al., 2017).

Innovativeness

Innovativeness is, in a sense, the opposite of neophobia, and it is defined as when consumers are willing to adopt new products and are open to novelty, as well as try unfamiliar foods. Examples of current innovative food choices include functional foods, lab-grown meat, fermented food, and plant-based protein sources. In terms of seafood, underutilised and unfamiliar species could be chosen more often by consumers with a higher innovativeness (Garibay-Yayen & Willer, 2025). A study found that about one-third of Norwegian consumers exhibit high innovativeness (Heide and Altintzoglou, 2015). These individuals also show the strongest preference for convenience, meaning they are willing to try new food products as long as they are easy to use and prepare. This focus on convenience likely stems from the fact that this segment has the highest number of children, leaving less time for meal preparation.
The adoption of new products can be described using the innovation adoption model, where crucial consumers are innovators who seek novelty and early adopters who follow closely if the indications of product quality are promising (Rogers, 2003). The early majority follow the early adopters, and once the early majority adopt a product, the late majority will follow.  The innovators and early adopters can differ in different domains, and there is a special measure to segment consumers according to their innovation adoption interest in the food domain (Huotilainen et al., 2006).

Food-related features

Food-related features influencing aquatic food consumption in Nordic countries can be divided into two factors: food-internal and food-external factors. A food-internal factor can be defined as the features inherent to the food itself, such as sensory properties (e.g., flavour, taste, smell, texture) or product quality. Food-external factors refer to factors that are associated with a food product, but not a part of the physical product itself. These factors include both visual characteristics and informational elements related to the product. Visual characteristics include aspects such as labels, brand logos and packaging design. Informational elements comprise marketing, labelling and product price. Although these factors do not alter the properties of the food itself, they play a significant role in shaping consumer perceptions and decision-making processes. This chapter explores some of these factors and how they individually or in interaction influence consumer behaviour in relation to aquatic foods.

Food-internal factors

Sensory properties

Food is closely associated with sensory characteristics such as taste, smell, and texture (Aikman et al., 2006; Grunert, 2002). Sensory appeal, the physical and chemical properties perceived before and during consumption, significantly influences food choices (Jaeger et al., 2021). Among these, taste preferences are the most crucial factors (Ophuis and Van Trijp, 1995; Steptoe et al., 1995). Sensory appeal and taste preferences are also highly important for aquatic food consumption (Olsen, 2003; Verbeke and Vackier, 2005; Govzman et al., 2021). This is very evident among Nordic consumers, as highlighted by numerous studies (Bredahl and Grunert, 1995; Pihlajamäki et al., 2019; Sveinsdóttir et al., 2009; Olsen, 2003; Sveinsdóttir et al., 2009).
Several studies have identified taste, smell, and the presence of bones in fish as barriers to aquatic food consumption (Govzman et al., 2021). This has also been found among Nordic consumers (Bredahl and Grunert, 1995; Heide et al., 2023; Olsen, 2001; Pieniak et al., 2009). In a study of Norwegian households, the negative impact of smell and bones accounted for 13% of the variance in motivation to consume seafood (Olsen, 2001).

Quality

Perceived quality is recognised as a critical determinant of consumer attitudes and food choice (Oude Ophuis and Van Trijp, 1995). Perceived quality can be defined as “the consumer’s evaluation of a product’s overall excellence or superiority” (Zeithaml, 1988). In aquatic consumption behaviour, perceived quality is a key factor in shaping positive attitudes toward seafood choices (Olsen, 2002; Thong & Olsen, 2012; Verbeke & Vackier, 2005).”
Aquatic food quality is shaped by both product-related and individual factors. Commonly cited product-related dimensions include safety (Sheng and Wang, 2021), nutritional content (Khalili Tilami and Sampels, 2018), freshness (Altintzoglou and Heide, 2016), and physical attributes of the fish product (Bernardo et al., 2020). Although quality is closely linked to the characteristics of the raw material, food choice is also shaped by individual factors, including consumer attitudes and trust in the final product (Grunert, 2002), as discussed in earlier chapters. Accordingly, both the inherent quality of the raw material and how it is perceived by consumers represent key determinants of choice in the market for aquatic products. Importantly, quality evaluations vary across consumers and cultures, also within Nordic countries (Verbeke et al., 2007; Østli et al., 2013).

Food-external factors

Branding and marketing

Brand is acknowledged as a highly important factor in consumer decision-making (Sasmita & Mohd Suki, 2015). The literature further highlights brand as one of the most influential food-external factors (Hoffmann et al., 2020). In the context of aquatic foods, brands are associated with a higher price (Bronnmann & Asche, 2016) and greater product longevity, the number of consecutive weeks a product remains available in retail settings (Asche et al., 2021). To date, however, the impact of branding on consumer choices for aquatic foods has not been studied in the Nordic countries.
Marketing strategies play an important role in influencing consumer behaviour within the seafood sector. Clear and trustworthy communication, especially about health benefits and ethical sourcing, helps build consumer trust and loyalty (Giménez et al., 2017). In an environment characterised by abundant and often conflicting information, consistent branding becomes essential for differentiating products.
Clear and open communication about aquaculture in Europe can help improve the image of farmed seafood and strengthen trust in seafood products overall (Altintzoglou et al., 2010). A potentially impactful communication strategy is storytelling. One approach can be explaining to the consumers where aquatic food comes from, for example, through references to local fishing traditions or sustainable production methods. This approach appears to have a particular impact in the Nordic region, where authenticity is highly valued (İçer & Karadağ, 2023). These stories can create an emotional connection with consumers, which in turn supports more informed and positive purchasing choices (Giró‑Candanedo et al., 2022).
Digital marketing is also gaining importance, especially among younger consumers who increasingly rely on online platforms for food‑related information. Targeted use of social media and influencers can improve awareness of seafood’s health benefits and ethical considerations, helping brands remain relevant in a rapidly changing market (Jensen et al., 2018).

Health and sustainability labelling

Nutrition labels play an important role in shaping consumer choices, particularly for aquatic food. Research shows that health and nutrient claims on packaging can strongly influence how people perceive the nutritional value of these products (Hieke et al., 2016). In the Nordic countries, awareness of the health benefits of seafood, such as its high omega-3 content, has grown steadily. Labelling schemes such as the Nordic Keyhole make it easier for consumers to identify healthier food choices and have been linked to higher consumption of fish and seafood (Hieke et al., 2016). At the same time, health claims may sometimes lead to a so‑called “health halo” effect, where products are perceived as healthier than they actually are based on limited cues (Wellard‑Cole et al., 2020). This shows the importance of clear and accurate labelling, which is particularly important because of the increasing interest in trends such as clean eating. Labels that offer transparent nutritional information and comply with recognised standards are generally viewed more positively by consumers (Donato & D’Aniello, 2021).
Interest in sustainability labelling is also rising, but its impact remains modest due to inconsistent formats, difficulties in understanding, and confusion caused by multiple schemes, a challenge that applies to aquatic food as well (Richter & Klöckner, 2017). While such labels can influence attitudes and willingness to pay, trust, simplicity, and complementary measures are essential to drive real behavioural change (Cook et al., 2023). Nordic consumers currently encounter a wide range of sustainability certifications, including the Marine Stewardship Council (MSC), Aquaculture Stewardship Council (ASC), Friends of the Sea (FOS), and the Swedish label Krav. The abundance of these schemes reinforces previous findings that the sheer number of labels available constrains effectiveness.

Product price

Price is a key factor in food choices, particularly for low-income consumers (Steenhuis et al., 2011). Affordability and food prices are also key factors influencing the selection of healthy foods. This also applies to aquatic foods, where price is a major consideration in purchasing decisions and is often perceived as a barrier to increased consumption (Govzman et al., 2021). These patterns can be found among Nordic consumers as well (Olsen et al., 2017; Heide et al., 2023).
Price is a key driver of aquatic food consumption in the Nordic region. Evidence from several sources shows a clear inverse relationship: as prices for aquatic foods rise, consumption declines (Norwegian Seafood Council, 20canasd18; 2025; Axelsson & Hornborg, 2025). An important development in terms of price for aquatic food can be found by comparing the development in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) of different food product groups across the Nordic countries. By using data from national statistical agencies in Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Denmark (Statistics Norway, Statistics Sweden, Statistics Finland, and Statistics Denmark), CPI changes for major food groups between 2015 and 2023 can be analysed. Iceland was excluded due to a lack of comparable product-level data. Using CPI is important because it reflects changes in consumer prices over time, providing a reliable measure of inflation and its impact on household purchasing power.
 Product group
Norway
Sweden
Finland
Denmark
Overall
Bread and cereals
35.5%
11.7%
26.1%
33.5%
26.7%
Meat
36.3%
7.9%
27.7%
25.2%
24.3%
Fish and seafood
63.4%
13.8%
52.7%
31.6%
40.4%
Milk, cheese and eggs
28.9%
13.0%
23.8%
40.7%
26.6%
Fruit and berries
35.9%
3.1%
17.9%
19.8%
19.2%
Vegetables
39.1%
8.6%
23.1%
28.0%
24.7%
Table A: Percentage increase of CPI for different food groups in Nordic Countries (2015–2023)
The results show that fish and seafood experienced the most substantial price growth among all food categories between 2015 and 2023, with an overall average increase of 40.4 % across the four Nordic countries. This increase is much higher compared to other food groups such as meat (+24.3%), vegetables (+24.7%), bread and cereals (+26.7%), milk, cheese and eggs (+26%), and fruit and berries (+19.2%). Norway and Finland stand out with exceptionally high increases for fish and seafood, at 63.4% and 52.7% respectively, far above their other food categories and the Nordic average. In Sweden, overall food price inflation was lower, yet fish and seafood remained the most affected category, increasing by 13.8%, which is modest compared to neighbouring countries. Denmark showed a moderate rise of 31.6% for fish and seafood, while milk, cheese and eggs saw an even higher increase of 40.7%.
Higher prices for aquatic foods in the Nordic countries can have an impact on how much people eat. As prices rise, many consumers, especially those who are sensitive to price, may eat less seafood, making it harder to follow the NNR. Instead, people may choose cheaper options like frozen or processed fish, or replace seafood with other protein sources such as meat or plant‑based products.

Packaging

Packaging plays a crucial role in capturing consumer attention, shaping perceptions of product quality and value, and ultimately influencing food choices (Karimi et al., 2013; Silayoi & Speece, 2007). Food products utilise a diverse array of packaging attributes, combining visual elements such as colours, designs, shapes, and functionalities, as well as technical features, symbols, and informational elements such as messages and nutritional information, to appeal to consumers (Nancarrow et al., 1998). The visual design of packaging plays an important role in attracting consumers to food products. For instance, packaging that incorporates green tones or eco-friendly symbols can enhance perceptions of health and sustainability (Theben et al., 2020).
The packaging attributes of aquatic food products have received relatively little attention in the literature (Carlucci et al., 2015). Research from the Nordic countries indicates that packaging attributes moderately influence consumer decisions about aquatic foods (Heide & Olsen, 2017; Olsen et al., 2017). Other aspects, like perceived quality, are more important in influencing consumer preferences. When comparing packaging design attributes to informational attributes, a Norwegian study indicates that informational elements, such as freshness claims, taste descriptions, and convenience information, are more influential than visual features like packaging shape and colour (Heide and Olsen, 2017). A limitation of these studies is that other influential packaging elements, such as brand name and brand logos, were not a part of the studies. A product development study in Norway, Iceland and Denmark also indicated that consumer segments respond differently to various product concepts in the same packaging. The shape of fish fillets and additional ingredients, together with lifestyle, were more influential than the product packaging (Altintzoglou et al. 2012).