Rambøll Management (2016a) evaluated introductory offers for newly arrived students and to which degree it provided students with necessary skills in Norwegian so that the students could be transferred to ordinary classes. Many schools seemed to have identified good arrangements for organisation and content of the adapted language offer. Further, many school owners limited the programme originally scheduled from two years to one year to make transfers to regular classes more quickly, but it was shown that the one-year programme appeared insufficient for certain student groups. Legal amendments in terms of adapted language instruction in the Education Acts in 2012 seemed to have little impact on the design and organisation of the introductory offer. Differences were found between compulsory and upper secondary schools. At the county level, more school owners had established an introductory offer for upper secondary schools.
Rambøll Management (2016b) provided a detailed description of the organisation of the introductory offer by nine counties and municipalities. It showed that the introductory offers were mainly organised as partially integrated programmes with separate introductory classes in regular schools. Younger students, however, received mostly instruction through an integrated programme with individual adaptation in regular classes. At upper secondary school level, newly arrived students were provided education as a ‘zero’ year, i.e., students did not use their youth rights while attending the programme. It was a negative consequence that students did not have the same rights under the Education Act as regular students and had no right to special education. Changes in the Education Act, however, abolished the time limitation to the right to upper secondary education. Students now have this right until they have completed their education, and students in re-enforced compulsory education (§ 97) have the right to adapted language training and special education.
Rambøll Management (2016b) found that Norwegian language instruction was the priority, even though most introductory offers arranged their teaching around five subjects. Further differences were shown in whether schools and school owners emphasised that students in introductory offers should attend regular classes, with a clear distinction between compulsory and upper secondary school. At upper secondary school level, it was not usual for students to attend regular classes in contrast to compulsory school. There were more guidelines at primary school level for transitions. Key aspects for introduction programmes to operate appropriately for newly arrived students were: 1) School owners providing overall guidelines on the content in cooperation with expert teams and providing the foundation of well-functioning processes. 2) Teachers’ competencies were highlighted, given that students form a heterogeneous group. 3) Additionally, the two-year period was considered too short for an introductory offer, specifically for students arriving in Norway with little or no educational background. (Rambøll Management, 2016b). Overall, introductory offers were considered necessary and appropriate for many students, but more knowledge was required on programme quality and students’ results.
Aarsæther, F. (2021). Learning environment and social inclusion for newly arrived migrant children placed in separate programmes in elementary schools in Norway. Cogent Education, 8(1), 1932227.
Aarsaether (2021) explored how schools facilitate education and social inclusion for newly arrived students in elementary schools. Applying a qualitative small-scale design, differences were shown across the three programmes, which might influence the quality of education. First, age differences between students seem to limit teachers’ possibilities to promote learning for all students. Second, bilingual instruction, when provided, might ease newcomers’ access to the curriculum, and students might learn faster than in classrooms without bilingual instruction. Third, teachers trained in second-language instruction might provide a better learning environment than those without, which could to some extent be linked to a certain lack of clarity in national guidelines (see also Rambøll Management, 2016a; Norozi, 2019).
Sweden
For Sweden, a total of five studies were identified to investigate methods and practices of second-language learning and translanguaging. Unlike in Norway and Finland, no large evaluation studies were found for Sweden.
Ingves, A. (2024). Vägar mot ett svenskt ordförråd: Nyanlända ungdomars ordförrådsutveckling på språkintroduktionsprogrammet [Doctoral dissertation, University of Uppsala].
Ingves (2024) studied receptive vocabulary development in L2 Swedish among newly arrived students in the Swedish Language Introduction Programme (LIP). The study stressed the influence of language input and different learner-related factors on Swedish as a second language, regarding vocabulary as a dynamically changing system.
It was found that newly arrived students learn as great many Swedish words at a rapid pace despite the challenges they face. Further, the importance of providing basic literacy education and reading training has a prominent role in the LIP and is stated to bridge knowledge and skills gaps in the learner groups. While these students showed great development at a faster pace, these patterns differed across students over time. In general, this training did not seem to be sufficient to achieve the same level of knowledge as learners with longer or age-appropriate earlier school background.
The findings suggest that knowledge requirements for newly arrived students should be clearer, specifically with regards to reasonable expectations of Swedish language learning. Ingves (2024) points to a need to give clear specifications for students who have short, interrupted, or no previous school background. This also applies to opportunities to organise the LIP in a way that supports students’ language learning in different ways. 1) Access to a range of school subjects is beneficial for all students. More Swedish instruction per week seems particularly beneficial for students with short, interrupted, or no school background at all. 2) Facilitating good treatment and a supportive learning environment that includes access to study guidance appears to benefit beginners and intermediate learners. The author highlights the variation among newly arrived students with varying backgrounds and explores how this variation changes and transforms with different impacting factors.
Fejes, A., & Dahlstedt, M. (2020). Language introduction as a space for the inclusion and exclusion of young asylum seekers in Sweden. International Journal of Qualitative Studies on Health and Well-Being, 15, 9, Article 1761196.
Language introduction programmes (LIP) were set up in the wake of the upper secondary school reform of 2011 as one of the introductory offers in Swedish upper secondary school. These programmes seek to provide Swedish language instruction L2 to newly arrived students to enable them to enter a national upper secondary programme. LIP is a part of the Swedish educational system, regulated by the state. Municipalities have responsibility for provision and funding of the programme.
Fejes and Dahlstedt (2020) described a qualitative LIP design at five different schools: two ordinary schools run by the municipality, one independent upper secondary school, and two folkehøyskole. They found that while LIP students were offered the right to education, they did not always have the possibility to use this right for reasons such as a precarious and stressful life situation. Teachers worked hard to get students to attend school to create a sense of belonging. Certain organisational methods were used to facilitate the development of belonging, placing the LIP classroom in the middle of schools and organising activities across the entire school. The study also identified organisational arrangements that might have led to an exclusion of students. Students were in general positive and assessed their education as meaningful. It was concluded that the processes of inclusion and exclusion are complex, and often contradictory. Thus, to create an understanding of school as a place for inclusion, one needs to take a broad perspective, which helps to make it possible to identify these different dimensions and their relations.
Three studies were identified addressing translanguaging policies and multilingual classrooms.
Karlsson, A., Nygård Larsson, P., & Jakobsson, A. (2020). The continuity of learning in a translanguaging science classroom. Cultural Studies of Science Education, 15(1), 1–25.
Karlssson et al. (2020) explored how multilingual students use their first and second language as resources in authentic, meaning-making situations in a translanguaging science classroom (TSC) and how the students’ usage of these languages might affect continuity of science learning. Findings indicate that TSC classrooms in general offer increased opportunities to multilingual students to connect the subject matter to their first language and prior experience.
Dávila, L. T., & Bunar, N. (2020). Translanguaging through an advocacy lens: The roles of multilingual classroom assistants in Sweden. European Journal of Applied Linguistics, 8(1), 107– 126.
Dávila and Bunar (2020) explored how multilingual classrooms (MLC) develop and keep translanguaging efforts to build students’ learning and facilitate bicultural identities.
The study provides a critical examination of the perspectives of educators who work most closely with increasing numbers of newly arrived students in schools. First, the study offers nuanced understandings of teachers’ translanguaging stances that bring focus to the ways in which Multilingual Classroom Assistants (MCAs) serve as advocates for newly arrived immigrant and refugee students. And second, there is an analysis of the intersection between educator agency and national language policy. The provision of MLCs for students with Swedish as a second language has a tradition going back to the 1970s, regulated in educational legislation for compulsory and upper-secondary school (MCA) (e.g., Skolförordning 2011:400, chap. 5 § 4). MCAs work with newly arrived students who have resided in the country for two years or less. They may have different roles depending on individual students’ needs, for example the assessment of students’ prior knowledge and experience, and short- and long-term social and academic language support across all subject areas. In 2013, a set of guidelines was published to advise schools to deploy MCA before, during, or after mainstream classroom instruction (Skolverket, 2013).
It was found that MCAs can facilitate culturally sustaining pedagogies (Paris & Alim, 2014), adding to the wealth of knowledge and experiences newly arrived students enter school with. MCAs argued for strong support for translanguaging to reinforce students’ identities, well-being, and learning. MCAs and their students worked to integrate translanguaging pedagogic practices in Swedish-medium classrooms. At the same time, MCAs seem to use a discourse which pushes back against official policy structures they believe marginalise them, their students, and parents. According to Dávila and Bunar (2020), the power of MCAs’ agency in interpreting and shaping policy within schools must not be overlooked.
Warren, A. R. (2016). Multilingual study guidance in the Swedish compulsory school and the development of multilingual literacies. Nordland: Nordisk tidsskrift for andrespråksforskning, 11(2), 115–142.
Warren (2016) studied the functions of multilingual practices and the ways in which they help newly arrived students to reach their learning goals in subjects in the Swedish curriculum. She found that the functions of multilingual practices, such as reformulation, explanation and discussion, metalinguistic awareness, and task awareness show how the application of languages that newly arrived students understand besides their emerging Swedish help them understand Swedish words, concepts, and subject tasks and develop sociocultural awareness. Further multilingual study guidance (MSG) in the Swedish school can be regarded as a space for translanguaging to make sure that newly arrived students are not interrupted and that they are supported to achieve their learning goals of subjects. According to Warren (2016), the existence of MSG reflects an awareness on macro-level that the linguistic resources of newly arrived students are valuable and should be actively accessed to help them reach the knowledge goals of subjects. However, MSG was not always given to students who needed it, and there was high variation between schools and their understanding of MSG. Warren concludes that the potential of the translanguaging practices in MSG on the wider development of multilingual literacies remains to be addressed at the macro-level, given that MSG ends as soon as students have been considered ready for monolingual studies. As an elective subject, first-language instruction is regarded as the only possibility for the ongoing development of other languages by newly arrived students in Swedish school. Thus, the short-term perspective of MSG is considered negative and regarded as potentially impacting negatively on Swedish subject content.