Environmental penalty and bonus system: Another of the key features of the proposal is a financial penalty and bonus system. France has long had an EPR system for textiles (see Table 4 for the definition of EPR), and the new penalty system can be seen as an adjustment for the existing EPR system (Grau, 2024). Companies falling short of established sustainability benchmarks face a gradual levy that starts at €5 per item in 2025, increasing to €7 by 2026 and €10 by 2030 (AP News, 2024; ESG Investor, 2024). Eco-friendly companies may receive bonuses and a portion of the penalties will also be used to finance collection and recycling infrastructure in non-EU countries. The sustainability benchmarks for the products will be based on the French Product Environmental Footprint (PEF) system, which is currently being finalised (Grau, 2024) The French PEF is a method used to assess the environmental impact of products throughout their entire lifecycle. It evaluates various environmental indicators, such as greenhouse gas emissions and water usage. The French PEF system has faced some criticism. Kassatly and Townsend (2024) indicate that the system partially overlooks the usage phase of textiles, specifically the number of uses, as it calculates this based solely on garment type. Additionally, the lack of consideration for social sustainability in PEF scores has also raised concerns.
Motivation for adopting this instrument
The fast fashion sector is notorious for its detrimental effects, including massive textile waste, water pollution, and poor labour conditions (Niinimäki et al., 2020). The approach aligns with global efforts to promote sustainable consumption and has the potential to reshape consumer behaviour. It encourages consumers to rethink their purchasing habits, leading them to invest in higher-quality, sustainable alternatives (France24, 2024). This economic instrument aims specifically at directly targeting overconsumption and overproduction, which are key sustainability problems in the textile sector. The fees would demonstrate through political guidance that fast fashion is not considered to be sound. Starting with a low fee of €5 and increasing gradually to €10 in 2030 will give businesses time to adapt.
Examples of how this kind of instrument has been applied before
In 2015, England implemented a mandatory five pence (€0.06) charge for each single-use plastic bag provided by large stores. The impact evaluation demonstrated that all demographic groups – including various age, gender, and income categories – significantly reduced their usage of plastic bags within just one month of the charge's introduction (Thomas et al., 2019). Additionally, support for the bag charge grew among all key demographic groups. Increased support for the plastic bag charge in turn predicted greater support for other charges to reduce plastic waste, suggesting a ‘policy spillover’ effect. The plastic bag tax was also introduced in Sweden in 2020 as a way to achieve the EU's goal of reduced use of plastic carrier bags. The EU's goal is to get down to a consumption of no more than 40 carrier bags per person per year. Since the tax was introduced in Sweden, the consumption of carrier bags has decreased, from 83 per person in 2017 to 17 in 2022, according to figures from the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency (2023). As the targets have been met, the plastic bag tax was not extended from 1 November 2024 onwards (Sustainable Plastics, 2022).
Success stories from other areas, like tobacco, alcohol, and sugar taxes, provide evidence that health-related or environmental taxes and fees can reduce unwanted consumption (Jungsberg et al., 2024). A 10 per cent tax on waste from sugar-sweetened beverages was associated with an average decrease in demand of 5 to 10 per cent (Afshin et al., 2017; Green et al., 2013). According to some researchers, modest tax rates might not cause major shifts in consumption but can still result in substantial tax revenues. These funds could then be allocated to supporting alternative health and nutrition programmes (Capacci et al., 2012). These precedents suggest that applying similar mechanisms in the fast fashion industry could yield positive results.
The biggest challenges of adopting this instrument in the Nordic context
Firstly, defining what constitutes fast fashion can be complex, as it varies widely between companies and products. This ambiguity may complicate the application of fees, as companies could potentially exploit loopholes by altering their branding or marketing strategies without genuinely improving sustainability.
The transnational nature of the fashion supply chain makes it difficult to monitor and regulate practices effectively. Moreover, there is concern that low-income consumers may be disproportionately affected by increased prices resulting from such taxes, raising ethical questions about fairness and accessibility in fashion (France24, 2024).
There is also the risk that companies might relocate their production to countries with less stringent regulations to evade financial responsibilities, undermining the intended environmental benefits.
Expected short- and long-term impacts of this instrument
In the short term, consumers may experience an increase in prices for fast fashion items, leading them to reconsider their purchasing habits. Initial resistance may arise as consumers adjust to the new economic landscape; however, there is potential for a gradual acceptance of the idea that sustainable products come at a higher price due to their ethical production processes (CNN, 2024).
In the long term, the hope is that such measures will foster a cultural shift toward sustainable fashion practices. As brands strive to improve their sustainability metrics to avoid financial penalties, innovation may flourish within the industry. Companies might invest in sustainable materials, ethical labour practices, and circular fashion models, ultimately leading to a more responsible fashion ecosystem. This transformation could result in reduced environmental degradation, enhanced social equity, and a growing awareness among consumers about the true costs of their purchases (DLA Piper, 2024).
Additionally, the revenue generated from these targeted fees could be redirected toward supporting sustainable fashion initiatives, including education and awareness campaigns about the impacts of fast fashion. This reinvestment could further catalyse positive changes in consumer behaviour and industry practices.
Key takeaways or conclusions regarding this instrument's potential in the Nordic countries
While there are unresolved questions regarding the definition of fast fashion and the implementation and scoping of this instrument, its potential to drive systemic change is seen high, as it aims to target its steering mechanism directly at limiting overconsumption and thus at the root causes of sustainability problems in the fashion sector. The successful implementation of environmental or health-related taxes and fees, for example for plastic bags and tobacco, provides an encouraging example that consumption can be steered in the right direction through economic incentives. Aspects of social justification will need to be considered when using fees as a steering instrument.
5.2.2 VAT reduction on second-hand products and repair services
Description of the instrument
A VAT reduction on repair services refers to a decrease in the rate of VAT applied to certain types of repair or maintenance services. VAT is a consumption tax imposed on goods and services, and governments may lower VAT rates on specific services to support more sustainable consumption and employment in the repair sector.
VAT differentiation between new and second-hand textile products can be used to promote sustainable consumption by incentivising the purchase of second-hand goods. This differentiation is achieved by applying lower VAT rates (or exemptions) to second-hand textiles than to new products. The aim is to reduce the environmental impact by encouraging the reuse of existing textiles and lowering the demand for resource-intensive production processes used in manufacturing new textiles.
VAT reductions are a part of environmental taxes, which are defined by the European Environmental Bureau (EEB, 2022) as “taxes that go beyond the objective of internalising external costs, focusing on reducing the extraction, production and consumption of resources, retaining material values, and providing incentives for designing out waste and pollution”. In the case of private sales of second-hand textiles, VAT may not be required, but in general sales of used items, VAT usually needs to be paid by firms (NiinMua, 2020; Vero, 2023). In the trade of second-hand clothing and some other items, such as used electronics, the so-called hidden VAT increases the consumer price of the product (Kaupan Liitto, 2023). Some exceptions may appear where margin schemes are used, such as charity sales in Finland. For example, if the textiles are sold by a registered charity and the proceeds are used for charitable activities, these sales may be exempt from VAT (Vero, 2023).
VAT reductions in practice aim to provide incentives to guide people towards more sustainable consumption behaviour via price signals. Reducing the VAT on repair services and second-hand products aims to boost the availability and accessibility of repair services and encourage people to choose second-hand or repair services over purchasing new products (EEB, 2022). VAT can be lowered for repair services or second-hand products to differentiate them from new items and influence consumers’ purchasing behaviour.
Motivation for adopting this instrument
VAT reductions could simplify the regulatory framework for operators offering second-hand products or repair services (Regeringskansliet, 2024) and therefore encourage consumers towards more sustainable consumption, promote taking better care of items and reuse of textiles, and prolonging the lifecycle of textiles.
In general, people in Europe would be willing to use repair services instead of purchasing new items, but rarely do so as repair services are too expensive for them to access (RREUSE, 2017). While taxes on use of natural resources are relatively low, labour is heavily taxed in Europe and a VAT reduction on repair services could address the need to fix items instead of replacing them with new purchases and result in a limitation in the use of natural resources (Dalhammar et al., 2020).
Examples of how this kind of instrument has been applied before
VAT reductions on repairs of bicycles, shoes, leather goods, clothing and household linen were applied in Sweden from 2017 to 2023. The VAT rate was first decreased from 25 per cent to 12 per cent in 2017, and further decreased from 12 per cent to 6 per cent. In 2023, the committee proposed increasing VAT back to 12 percent, due to a desire for uniformity in the VAT system – a revenue source for the Swedish state – and the competitive neutrality of the markets. The committee also saw the effectiveness of this instrument as relatively minor and considered the economic situation overall to be challenging, which lent itself to the increase in VAT. The Swedish Government also stated that VAT is essentially designed as a fiscal tax, and using VAT reductions as an economic policy instrument oversteps the primary purpose of VAT (Sveriges Riksdag, 2022).
A qualitative analysis was also conducted in Sweden to find out the effects of the VAT reduction. According to Eunomia’s and EEB’s interviews (EEB, 2022), a minority of the interviewees noticed an increase in use of their repair services since the implementation of the VAT reduction. Furthermore, it was hard to determine whether the possible increase in the use of repair services was due to VAT measures or other factors, such as the high purchase price of new, similar products.
In Belgium, there have previously been trials of VAT reductions for certain types of second-hand shops, where VAT was lowered to 6 per cent instead of the usual 21 per cent. (Miljøministeriet, 2014). The examples were relatively limited, and no measurements of waste prevention effects could be found. Based on the theoretical discussions on VAT, there were suggestion of reducing VAT “on products with an extended warranty, products that can be shown to be less waste-intensive than similar products and on services that can be shown to be a more environmentally friendly alternative to purchasing a similar product” and differentiated VAT could be applied in particular to repair services for white goods (e.g. refrigerators, freezers and washing machines).
The biggest challenges of adopting this instrument in the Nordic context
According to an earlier comprehensive study in Denmark (Miljøministeriet, 2014) economic instruments that seek to promote repair services, such as VAT differentiation, affect mainly the relatively small industry of repair services and the effectiveness of these instruments seems to remain mostly symbolic. The effects of VAT differentiation on actual demand among customers remain uncertain. Furthermore, examples are relatively limited, and measurements of any waste prevention effects are largely non-existent. Although this study is somewhat older, the situation seems to have remained by and large the same until recently.
VAT reductions may not have such significant effects on products with relatively low prices, such as textiles, as the role of VAT and any reduction in its level in price formation remains small. Compared to more expensive products, such as consumer electronics, the VAT reduction on second-hand items and/or repair services could more strongly guide consumer behaviour towards sustainable consumption, as the economic advantage is larger. Regarding consumer behaviour, there is a dilemma as to whether buying second-hand really reduces the amount of textiles purchased. This dilemma calls for a more systemic change in our consumption habits. According to Finnish studies (Kaupan Liitto, 2023; Baltic2Hand, 2023), even if people purchase second-hand items instead of consuming new items, many tend to purchase items they don’t need or use.
This instrument would be fairly easy to apply in Nordic countries, as the VAT system is governed by the EU Directive on the common system of value added tax (Directive/112/EC) and several EU Member States, including Finland and Sweden, have already made efforts to reduce VAT on repair services and second-hand products (RREUSE, 2017). The case example from Sweden made VAT reductions and increases seem quite flexible and relatively easy to implement, as the VAT rates were modified according to the wishes of the government at the time and several times during the years 2017–2023.
Despite the relatively easy implementation of VAT reductions and increases, the Swedish example highlighted the understanding of the primary purpose of taxation and economic impacts of taxes for the Member States, which may conflict with implementing different tax reductions, especially in economically challenging times.