National vs EU climate policies
The Nordic countries' emission abatement targets are more ambitious than those currently set by the EU. Denmark’s target for 2030 is 70% compared to 1990, Finland’s target is climate neutrality by 2035 and net negative by 2040 (forests account for more than 75% of Finland’s landmass), Norway's target is 55% by 2030, and Sweden's target for the non-ETS sector is 63% by 2030 relative to 1990 – and overall climate neutrality by 2045. With Fit for 55, the gap is closing considerably and, in some areas disappearing altogether. The deal includes some regulatory policies that differ from national tools. The Nordic countries also have sector targets that can appear redundant or at odds with EU policies. Here are some examples of how Nordic climate policies can or may be affected by Fit for 55.
The common view (shared by Rolf Golombek and Michael Hoel, see below) is that a more ambitious abatement in the ETS sector in one country allows room for higher emissions in another EU state since the number of allowances remains unchanged and therefore leaves the total emissions unaffected. In other words, a more ambitious national target gives rise to carbon leakage to the rest of the EU, even if this is not necessarily inconsistent with overall EU policy. Contrary to the more common view, Frederik Silbye and Peter Birch Sørensen argue in their paper that Denmark’s more ambitious national policy for the ETS sector actually affects the EU cap on emissions and makes it more restrictive.
Matti Liski and Iivo Vehviläinen take the more ambitious Finnish climate policies in three sectors as a given and demonstrate how these could be made consistent with EU policies and remain cost-effective. In the road transport sector, they show that a national emission trading system can exist in parallel with an EU-wide system, making reaching more ambitious national targets possible while simultaneously achieving cost efficiency. In the building and construction sector, they argue that a more ambitious national target can be reached by creating an emissions trading system for the actual construction element, which is not covered by the new emissions trading system for the heating of buildings.
Norway has a substantial set of climate policies, including general as well as sector- and even city-specific measures (Oslo). Rolf Golombek and Michael Hoel argue that Norway does not need targets and policies for some sectors already covered by the EU ETS because of the reason mentioned above: The total amount of emissions in the EU is fixed, so these policies become ineffectual in reducing emissions under the cap. In the non-ETS sector, they argue that the Norwegian tax exemption for electric cars will become redundant when the EU creates an emissions trading system for the road transport sector and mandates that cars and vans must be emission-free by 2035.
David von Below, Björn Carlén, Svante Mandel and Vincent Otto use a detailed general equilibrium model of the Swedish economy to analyse the costs of self-imposed Swedish climate policies. These include a stricter emission target for the ESR sector, a special target for emissions from the transportation sector and restrictions on purchasing ESR allocations from other countries under the flexibility mechanism. The latter is particularly expensive and implies a cost in the order of 1% of national income. If ESR allocations are not used, different combinations of increased carbon taxes and forced biofuel blending in petrol and gas are analysed. To reach the national targets, Swedish carbon taxes need to be increased to between €700 and €1,700 per ton of CO2, corresponding to approximately 7 to 17 times the current price.