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Overall comparison between legislation in the Nordic countries

This section presents a comparative overview of criminal legislation in the Nordic countries, with a particular focus on honour-based crime. The overview consists of a table that summarises existing legislation in each country, where such legislation exists. The table then forms the basis for a section that analyses how the different countries and regions position perpetrators and victims through their respective legislation. In cases where there is no legal provision corresponding to that of other countries, this is indicated by (-). As reported in the previous section, the Faroe Islands follow Danish legislation and Åland follows Finnish legislation, which is why these autonomous regions are reported together with their respective countries for reasons of space. Greenland, which has its own criminal legislation, has no specific honour-based legislation, which is why Greenland is omitted entirely, again for reasons of space.
Table 1: Honour-based legislation in the Nordic countries and autonomous regions
English
Denmark/​Faroe Islands
Finland/Åland
Iceland
Norway
Specified honour crime
Negativ social kontrol
(§ 243)
Fine or prison up to 3 yrs
(-)
(-)
(-)
Aggravating circumstances
Skærpende omstændighed  – general (§ 81a-c) and specific (§ 244-245, 247)
Straffmätning – general
(6 kap. 4-8§§)
þyngingar refsingunni (Art. 70)
Skjerpende omstendigheter – general (§ 77)
Forced marriage (Human trafficking)
Tvangsægteskab
(§ 260 Stk. 2)
Prison up to 4 yrs
Människohandel
(25 kap. 3+3a §)
Prison 4 mths – 6 yrs
Nauðungarhjónaband / Mansal (Art. 225, 227a)
Prison up to 4 yrs (12 yrs if mansal)
Tvangsekteskap (§ 253)
Prison up to 6 yrs
Child marriage (Human trafficking)
Børneægteskab
(§ 260a)
Fine or prison up to 2 yrs
Grov människohandel
(25 kap. 3a §)
Prison 2–10 yrs
Mansal (Art. 225, 227a)
Prison up to 12 yrs
Barnekteskap (§ 262 2 st.)
Prison up to  3 yrs (6 yrs if forced)
Female genital cutting
Kvindelig omskæring
(§ 245a)
Prison up to 10 yrs
Kvinnlig könsstympning
(21 kap. 6 §)
Prison 1–10 yrs
Fjarlægja kynfæri
(Art. 218a)
Prison up to 16 yrs
Kjønnslemlestelse (§ 284)
Prison up to 15 år
Influencing sexual orientation
(-)
(-)
Undirgangast ógagnreynda meðferð (Art. 227b)
Prison up to 2 yrs (up to 4 yrs if against a child)
Konverteringsterapi (§ 270, 270a)
Fine or prison up to 6 yrs
Clothing restrictions
Tildækningsforbud
(§ 260 Stk 3)
Prison up to 4 yrs
(-)
(-)
(-)
Disciplining trips
Udlandsophold (§ 215a)
Fine or prison up to 4 år
(-)
(-)
(-)

Analysis of legislation

Structure of the analysis

This section provides a comparative analysis of honour-based legislation in the Nordic countries and autonomous regions. The analysis begins with a comparison of the legal provisions that exist in all countries and autonomous regions (except Greenland). It then addresses the legal provisions that are only applied by individual countries and regions. The analysis is based on the information presented in Table 1 above.
An overarching question that characterises the analysis is how individuals and groups who practise honour-based violence are positioned through the wording of legislation. The analysis focuses on how assumptions about gender and sexuality appear in the wording of crimes definitions and sentencing.
Particular attention is also paid to whether the focus of legislation is punishing perpetrators or drawing attention to and providing redress for victims of crime. In respect to the latter, one aspect is highlighting the severity of punishment for each crime in the respective country/​region.

Forced marriage and child marriage compared

All countries and territories except Greenland criminalise both forced marriage and child marriage. Denmark, the Faroe Islands, Norway and Sweden use both terms in their criminal legislation, while Finland and Iceland classify them as human trafficking, although Iceland’s hegningalög (General Penal Code) also features the term nauðungarhjónaband (forced marriage). In Sweden, misleading someone into travel for the purposes of marriage is also defined as a separate crime.
Across the Nordic countries, the strictest possible penalty – imprisonment for up to twelve years – is found in Iceland’s General Penal Code; the strictest minimum penalty for human trafficking of a normal degree is imprisonment for four months, as applicable in Finnish and Ålandic law. In Iceland, human trafficking involving a child may also be grounds for a more severe penalty, which should mean, at least in theory, that it would be possible to impose a prison sentence of more than twelve years. The lightest minimum penalty is a fine, as appears in Danish law.
The penalties for forced and child marriage vary somewhat between countries and regions. The penalties are slightly lower for forced marriage than child marriage in all countries except Denmark/​Faroe Islands, where the maximum penalty for forced marriage is twice as high as for child marriage (four and two years, respectively). Iceland stands out as having the highest possible maximum penalty, as applied for offences classified as human trafficking (twelve years). However, a key observation regarding forced and child marriage is that both acts are specified as individual offences in the respective chapters on offences against liberty and peace across all the countries and independent territories, and the penalties are higher for these offences than for other forms of offences against peace. In this respect, these honour-based offences are singled out as particularly serious.
The fact that two countries (Iceland and Finland/Åland) also classify these crimes as human trafficking can be seen in light of a fundamental problem with respect to honour-based practices: that chastity and virginity are associated with unmarried female bodies as an economic, social and political asset (Wikan, 2008; Ali, 2021). The compulsory gender segre­gation of honour-based practices is based on the belief that an unmarried woman must maintain her reputation as sexually pure before marriage. An unblemished reputation guarantees attractiveness in a marriage market in which, in traditional honour-practising societies, it is important to build alliances within and between families (King, 2013). In this way, forced and child marriages can be equated with the treatment of human bodies as commodities. Classifying forced and child marriages as human trafficking results in wide-spread attention and ensures extended protection for victims.
All countries and autonomous regions have supplementary civil law legislation that allows for the annulment of marriages entered into under duress or involving underage spouses. Annul­ment should be seen here as a collective term for the possibility of avoiding the usual require­ments for a cooling-off period and other legal obstacles to ‘normal’ divorces. This alleviates the legal consequences of being forced into marriage or of a minor entering into marriage without consent.
Some minor differences exist with regard to child marriage. In Iceland, for example, marriages entered into when one party was over the age of sixteen may still be recognised if warranted by specific circumstances. However, most Nordic countries and autonomous regions have gradually clarified in their legislation on marriage that marriages entered into by persons under the age of eighteen should generally not be recognised. This can be seen as part of a social discourse that is increasingly moving towards intolerance of the cultural customs of migrants, partly as a means of protecting the domestic population (see, e.g., Manga, 2022). However, it can also be interpreted as a more general protection for persons who are considered too young to independently choose to enter into marriage and persons of legal age who live in circumstances in which their own will is subject to the influence of a surrounding group.

Female genital cutting compared

All countries (including the Faroe Islands and Åland via Danish and Finnish criminal law respectively) have specific legal provisions prohibiting female genital cutting. These provisions generally appear as an addition to the respective criminal law provisions on aggravated assault. Female genital cutting also has a specific name or criminal classification in all countries, although Denmark and the Faroe Islands deviate from this by using the more neutral term ‘female circumcision’. This can be interpreted as Danish legislation striving to use gender-neutral wording to a greater extent, since ‘circumcision’ is the term used for the male equivalent case. Previous reviews have highlighted that in Denmark legislation and preventive work against violence in close relationships is more gender neutral than in the rest of the Nordic region (GREVIO, 2017; see also Lebedeva’s study in the previous section). How­ever, in terms of criminal law, Denmark and the Faroe Islands follow the other Nordic countries and Åland, as female circumcision is prohibited and subject to relatively high penalties. In all countries, the Faroe Islands and Åland, the range of punishment starts at imprisonment – fines are not mentioned as a penalty in any legal provision. Icelandic law includes the highest maximum penalty – imprisonment of up to sixteen years for serious crimes. Swedish law includes the highest minimum penalty – two years’ imprisonment for crimes of a normal degree – while Finnish law includes a minimum penalty of one year’s imprisonment. In Denmark and Norway, as well as in the Faroe Islands, Iceland and Åland, no minimum penalties are stipulated.
The legislation in all countries and regions is age independent with regard to victims. There are also no exceptions for cases in which a woman or girl states that the procedure was performed with her consent. The issue of consent is relevant in discourses on gender power that highlight universal male power and dominance over female partners and relatives (Björsson & Lebedeva, 2023). Consent, together with the aforementioned issue of age neutrality, is likewise relevant with regard to the question of a victim’s opportunities and capacity to give consent, given that in certain geographical contexts female genital cutting is sometimes performed on very young girls. It is not uncommon for the act to be carried on girls between six and twelve years of age, and in some cases it may take place shortly after birth (Nour, 2008). In this way, the wording of the legal support should constitute a clear obligation for, for example, school nurses who detect signs of genital cutting in connection with routine examinations to report it to the police or social services in accordance with the Social Services Act or equivalent legislation.
This study uses the collective term ‘female genital cutting’ because it is the most commonly used in the legislation of the countries studied. Only Denmark uses the more neutral term ‘female circumcision’. However, it should be noted that terminology is highly debated in Nordic and international research. The debate, grounded partly in social science but mainly anthropology, is part of an approach that emphasises a balance between protecting victims of crime on the one hand and avoiding stigmatisation of religious and cultural groups on the other. This is weighed against a more medical approach that focuses on the harm caused by the procedure from both a surgical and emotional/psychological perspective. The term ‘female genital cutting’ can be said to go furthest in terms of describing physical abuse, and therefore most clearly justifies criminal legislation. At the other end of the scale is the term ‘female circumcision’, which equates the practice with that of male circumcision, generally considered a medically insignificant procedure as well as being a culturally and socially accepted custom. A factor that further complicates the debate is research that has identi­fied five categories of female genital cutting on an ascending scale of physical proce­dures, one category consisting of voluntary so-called cosmetic procedures. A comprehen­sive account of this debate, with an emphasis on Nordic research, can be found in the anthology Female Genital Cutting – The Global North and South (Johnsdotter, 2020).

Conversion attempts compared

Conversion attempts, i.e. attempts to influence or persuade a person to change their gender identity or sexual orientation, are punishable by law in two countries: Iceland (undirgangast ógagnreynda meðferð) and Norway (konverteringsterapi). Although the criminal classifi­cations share the same spirit, it can be inferred from their wording that the two countries have slightly different views on what defines it as a crime. In Norway, the emphasis is on the violation of a vulnerable person, which places the emphasis on the victim’s perspective. In Iceland, the emphasis is on the criminal act of “subjecting a person to unconfirmed treatment through coercion, deception or threats”. When emphasis is placed on the act itself, the perpetrator’s guilt is highlighted more clearly. A further difference is that the Icelandic wording “unproven treatment” emphasises acts based on methods not supported by evidence. In addition to alternative medicine and religious-based treatment, the Norwegian wording also highlights psychotherapeutic or medical treatments, both of which should be understood as evidence based. However, a key feature of the Norwegian wording is the focus on systematised approaches. This highlights that the crime must constitute a repeated violation, which can be compared with the corresponding requirement that an act be “part of a repeated violation” in the Swedish clause on specified honour crimes.
When conversion attempts are placed in a Nordic context, so-called ‘good gender-equality values’ are emphasised in relation to a traditional view of ‘good sexuality’. Good sexuality as an ideal, according to Gayle Rubin’s (1998) model, can be seen to mean heterosexuality, monogamy, sex as a private act within marriage, and sexual intercourse primarily with the purpose of reproduction and childbearing. Rubin argues that ‘good sexuality’ is considered the norm and is contrasted with ‘the abnormal’, which is associated with non-hetero­normative sexuality among LGBTI people. LGTBI people’s sexuality is instead associated with sex outside of marriage, promiscuity, and sex solely for pleasure and recreation. Honour practices advocate a moral code of protecting and controlling the continued spread of a clan through clear divisions between male and female, within the home but above all in public (Rosquist, 2024; Knutagård, 2022). A moral code that guards and upholds traditional gender norms (‘the good’ in Rubin’s model) can, in some families, manifest as controlling behaviour towards those who deviate from ‘good sexuality’ and are seen as needing help to ‘return’ to the family’s moral code. Such controlling behaviour can be said to constitute the systematic social control that defines conversion attempts.
The Nordic context, on the other hand, is characterised by long-term efforts to demystify issues relating to variations in sexual orientation. For example, since sex and relationships were first introduced into the Swedish curriculum in 1955, sex education has consciously moved away from traditional, moralistic values towards sexually liberal and diversity-affirming ones as part of societal efforts to promote gender equality (Liljefors Persson, 2021). Attempts by honour-practising families to counteract this ambition for gender equality can thus be brought to the attention of authorities, potentially resulting in investigations into conversion attempts. This presents courts with the dilemma of balancing the rights and obligations of parents in raising their children on the one hand and the rights of children to independently develop and embrace their sexual orientation on the other (see, e.g., Norée, 2022).

Veil bans and re-education trips – Exclusive to Denmark and the Faroe Islands

Only Danish/​Faroese legislation expressly prohibits “forcing someone to wear clothing that conceals their face” or “sending a child abroad in circumstances that seriously endanger the child’s health or development”. Both offences can incur prison sentences of up to four years.
The prohibition against forcing someone to wear clothing that covers their face, pursuant to § 260 sub-paragraph 3 of the Criminal Code, must be interpreted with regard to § 134c, which expressly prohibits persons from wearing clothing that covers their face in public places. The Criminal Code § 134a-c actually regulates offences against public order in connection with demonstrations, riots or similar events, but § 134c is justified by the perceived legislative need to safeguard social cohesion and respect for citizenship. The overall objectives of the law are:
[…] to ensure respect for the community, values and cohesion of Danish society. More specifically, clothing restrictions aim to promote and facilitate social interaction and coexistence, which are crucial in a society, by contributing to people in Denmark treating each other with respect. (Danish Ministry of Justice, 2018)
The Danish Ministry of Justice’s official report on how clothing restrictions should be applied by the police in practice emphasises that Danish values must be upheld and that social interaction in Denmark must take place “in a proper manner”. The basic rule, according to § 134c, is that no one – regardless of gender, age or similar – is permitted to wear clothing that covers the face in public. The range of punishment only includes fines.
A certain degree of tolerance is stipulated for reasonable circumstances (anerkendelses­værdigt formål) under § 134c sub-paragraph 2, but the list of such circumstances (Danish Ministry of Justice, 2018:3) indicates that this includes wearing legally required protective equipment such as a motorcycle helmet, fire protection equipment and protection against extreme weather when reasonable. Wearing masks at masquerades, carnivals and similar events may also be considered reasonable circumstances, as may wearing religiously dictated clothing, but only in connection with ‘a specific religious act’, i.e. a ceremony or ritual. Every­day wear of, for example, a face-covering veil or burqa is therefore not considered an acceptable circumstance. In this instance, the legislation tries to balance two sides of the same coin: religion as ritual and ceremony is acceptable but religion as personal belief and experience is not. At the same time, it is made clear that wearing clothing that covers the face for secular or social reasons is not acceptable.
A key aspect of the above legislation on the wearing of a veil is that it constitutes a prohibited act. It is, therefore, the wearer who is defined as the perpetrator. However, the legislation takes into account that in some cases someone wearing clothing that covers the face may not be doing so of their own free will. In situations where this may be the case, police officers are instructed to pay particular attention to whether there are grounds for investigating possible violations of the law with regard to a “suspicion of specified honour crimes in connection with violations on clothing restrictions”. Police officers must also consider whether a person may be in need of protection (Danish Ministry of Justice, 2018:4-5). The instruction does not specifically mention § 260 sub-paragraph 3, as outlined above, but reference to negative social control may be considered sufficient.
The ban on veils and compulsory veils is mainly aimed at female wearers. The three specific examples of prohibited garments listed are burqas, niqabs and balaclavas, the first two of which are garments specifically worn by women, while a balaclava can be interpreted as gender-neutral. The Ministry of Justice’s instructions instruct police officers who suspect negative social control to provide the victim with information about or refer them to a women’s crisis centre. However, these instructions are caveated by the stated assumption that the suspected victim “is a woman”; the text on support can be interpreted as meaning that the legislation is mainly focused on female victims (or female perpetrators). It is unlikely that a police officer who catches a person wearing a balaclava would instinctively suspect them of being a victim of honour-based negative social control. In the case of a niqab or burqa, such suspicion is more likely to arise.
These two provisions are related. The first prohibits clothing that covers the face, largely putting blame on women for their choice of clothing. The second can be used in the same situation to attribute victimhood to women on the assumption that they are or have been the target of a specified honour crime by a relative. In the latter case, however, the blame is put on the woman’s relatives, who are positioned as suspected. It should be noted here that, through reference to ‘Danish values’, the legislation justifies passing judgement on women’s clothing in public spaces. The question is whether it can be considered gender equality when a woman is faced with the choice of either being punished for her choice of clothing or reporting a close relative as a criminal for the sake of acquittal or receiving a reduced sentence.
Only Denmark and the Faroe Islands criminalise so-called re-education trips (genop­dragelses­rejser og ufrivillige udlandsophold). This is consistent with Lebedeva’s policy analysis, which shows that it is in Denmark specifically that re-education trips have received special attention. In Sweden, some attention has been paid to trips abroad at the policy level, although in Sweden travel bans are mainly issued to prevent forced and child marriages.
The range of punishment in Denmark/the Faroe Islands for taking a child abroad in such a way as to endanger their health or development spans fines to imprisonment for up to four years. It is not specified in detail in which countries this could occur, implying that danger to a child’s health or development could occur anywhere outside the borders of Denmark/​the Faroe Islands. However, it is specified that the aim is to protect children’s health and develop­ment. Here, the legislation assumes responsibility for determining the nature of the danger involved. The term ‘re-education trip’, which is commonly used in public debate, suggests that guardians, based on their own perspective, take children abroad to promote their development. Legislation prohibiting such trips abroad suggests that these trips are perceived to be harmful. This presents an almost paradoxical situation, one Norée (2022) highlights as a core problem in honour-based legislation, in which a guardians’ desire and obligation to raise their children is pitted against the state’s interest in determining the nature of that upbringing.

Double criminality and stricter penalties

While double criminality is not specifically applicable to identifying and regulating the dividing line between ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ honour practices, it is nevertheless relevant in this review because a number of Nordic countries (Denmark/the Faroe Islands, Iceland, Norway and Sweden) expressly allow crimes committed abroad to be tried as crimes within the Nordic judicial systems, even when the acts do not constitute crimes in the places they are committed. Similarly, all of these countries apply principles of stricter penalties to specific honour crimes. Finnish/​Ålandic legislation also stipulates double criminality for crimes that can constitute human trafficking (e.g. child and forced marriage) or violations of Article 37 of the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence. This illustrates that the legislation includes an international dimension in honour-based crimes and thus assigns them a special status. The application of double criminality and stricter penalties for honour-based crimes places these acts in an inter­national context, while at the same time highlighting the complex relationship between honour and gender equality.