6. Nordic gender equality: resilience to pushback and emerging challenges

The countries constituting the Nordic region share several key characteristics. They all are multi-party democracies with strong constitutional, judicial and educational systems, alongside institutionalised public healthcare and social security structures. The Nordic states also share some key collaborative legal, political, and normative approaches with regard to gender equality policy and implementation, including family policies. On the other hand they share a common history of scientific development and policy implementation related to eugenic race theories.

The findings of this report indicate that opposition to gender equality work, including sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and LGBTQI+ rights, follows broadly similar patterns across the Nordic countries. This suggests that anti-gender politics in the region may not utilise substantially tailored strategies for individual countries, making the Nordic context somewhat unique. In contrast, research from other parts of Europe shows that opposition strategies vary considerably between post-communist countries, the UK and Catholic-majority countries for instance.

The Nordic region is also notable for its relatively secular culture, in contrast to Catholic or Orthodox countries where anti-gender mobilisation is often closely linked with ultra-conservative religious actors. Nevertheless, existing research indicates that religious groups can also influence opposition to gender equality work in the Nordics. For example, a 2022 Swedish study of free Churches found that LGBTQI+ individuals in these environments may experience silencing, exclusion, and even pressure to change their sexual orientation or gender identity in prayer and pastoral care.

This survey did not specifically attempt to assess the possible impact of Nordic Christian free church organisations (evangelical, Pentecostal, conservative Protestant, and independent congregations) on public policy, nor their potential lobbying against Nordic values of gender equality. The survey contained one question asking whether respondents had witnessed opposition to their work justified by appeals to religious freedom: 17% (n = 15) reported that they had.

Open-ended responses from two non-governmental organisations, one from Norway and one from Finland, also raised concerns about the role of Christian right groups.

“The situation in Norway (and the Nordics) is still quite stable, when it comes to DEI [Diversity Equality Inclusion]. However, there are latent threats, linked to the international situation, that also gives echoes to the Norwegian public debate. Today, the LGBTQ+ population (and especially trans and [non-]binary [sic]) people is facing the greatest challenges, not only from terrorists but also from some Christian right-wing political initiatives. Some women’s rights may also be at stake, but the gender equality structure is quite robust to meet this threat.”

“Democracy and equality are inseparable and corrosion of one affects the other. Far-right and Christian conservatives are the greatest threat to both, just like in the USA. Europe needs to take a stand against this development.”

As this report is a preliminary attempt to assess the extent and impact of encountered opposition to gender equality, no substantial conclusions can be drawn from the responses concerning religious freedom. However, taken together, the open-ended responses do highlight a potential area of concern in the Nordic context. Further systematic, in-depth academic and policy research as well as collaboration with civil society organisations is needed to assess the extent to which internationally funded networks of conservative, evangelical or revivalist Christian groups lobby for pushback against Nordic policy on gender equality, SRHR and LGBTQI+ rights, transgender healthcare, as well as how the Evangelical Lutheran churches in the Nordic countries respond to this type of pushback. The survey findings indicate that civil society organisations and higher education institutions are particularly vulnerable to targeted pushback and silencing campaigns. This is particularly concerning given the central role of these sectors in the Nordic region in safeguarding open democratic participation, debate and dialogue as well as maintaining societal stability.

Academic freedom is another important dimension in the context of this survey. The Nordic countries have consistently ranked highly in the Academic Freedom Index and Freedom of Press Index compared with many other European countries, particularly those now with authoritarian leaders. However, in recent years, there has been an alarming decline in these rankings. This may partly be due to strategic anti-gender efforts to constrain academic freedom as well as press freedom. Despite the fact that there is by now an increasing amount of academic scholarship as well as EU-funded policy recommendation studies on anti-gender mobilisation, there is very little research on the complex dynamics of online anti-gender social and political influencing and the ways in which this type of rhetoric utilises free speech to manipulate public discourse. When asked whether or not gender equality experts had witnessed opposition to their work by appeal to freedom of speech, 31% responded that they had (n = 31).

Based on the findings of this report, a further theme that characterises all the Nordic countries is the emphasis on men’s and boys’ rights. Although men’s equality has been promoted as part of gender equality policy in this region for several decades, the divergent ways of defining and framing gender equality among the respondents indicates that more research is required to understand and contextualise how intersecting differences, such as age, class, race as well as gender and sexual identity shape experiences of men, boys, and masculinities. This requires that work with men, boys and masculinities is understood broadly, rather than being treated as men’s work that is separate from intersectional gender equality work.