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4. Research evidence on the effectiveness of measures against organized crime

A systematic literature review was carried out to map out the evaluated measures against organized crime in Sweden and Denmark. The review was carried out by supplementing a previous review that addressed measures taken to combat gang crime of juveniles in Sweden and Denmark.
Villman & Kaakinen, 2024.
Keywords related to organized crime were added to the previous review. Further information on the search terms, search strategy and findings of the literature review can be found in Appendix 1.
We have included both outcome and process evaluations in the systematic review: evaluations of whether the measures work and how they work.
Rummens, 2016.
We consider both approaches to evaluating the effectiveness of the measures to be important. In most cases, the outcome evaluation had not been carried out with such a methodological set-up that it could be used as basis for drawing definite conclusions about the effectiveness of the measures evaluated. The text takes into account the study designs of the outcome evaluations by classifying them into randomized experimental designs (strongest evidence), quasi-experimental designs (weaker evidence), correlative designs (weakest evidence) and descriptive designs, which we do not consider to be actual outcome evaluations in this context. A more detailed description of the classification is provided in Appendix 2.
Next, we review the research evidence on the effectiveness and functionality of the measures evaluated. From the research, we highlight examples of measures whose outcomes have been evaluated or which, based on process evaluations, provide strategic key information for the sector. These are presented thematically, focusing on recruitment to criminal groups, imposition of harsher penalties, influencing the activities of criminal groups, cooperation between the authorities, intervening in proceeds of crime, enhancing exiting from criminal groups and protecting vulnerable areas.

4.1 Recruitment to criminal groups

In the review, all of the measures aimed at preventing recruitment to criminal groups targeted young people. The most important form of work in Sweden has been the groups called "Sociala insatsgrupper" (SIG), where police, schools and other public authorities work together to map out the situation and possible service needs of young people whose criminal behavior is at risk of becoming permanent, or who want to break away from criminal networks. In correlative outcome evaluations , SIG has not been found to have a crime preventive outcome.
Roxell, 2016; Socialstyrelsen, 2017; Socialstyrelsen, 2020.
However, based on the qualitative process evaluations, the operating model may be important in strengthening the participants’ relationship with the authorities and participation in education or the labor market.
Brönnert & Ekholm, 2022; Zamparutti, 2016.
Denmark has developed a method called “En vej ind”, which consists of a four-month group-based intervention for young people at risk of being recruited into criminal networks. Based on the process evaluation and descriptive analysis, the young people involved generally felt that they benefited from the program in many ways: due to reduced risk behavior, as well as in terms of work, education and confidence in the future. In the program’s own assessments, positive developments were seen particularly in risk behavior. Young people committed fewer crimes and were assessed to be less at risk.
Oxford Research, 2018.
               

4.2 Harsher penalties

Although the imposition of harsher penalties targeted at criminal groups has attracted a lot of attention, the effects of these legislative amendments have been studied very little. However, two examples were found, both in Denmark, and related to juvenile delinquency. The first concerns lowering the age limit for criminal liability from 15 to 14 years of age in 2010–2012. A quasi-experimental outcome evaluation found that the reform did not reduce the likelihood of 14-year-olds committing crimes.
Damm et al., 2017.
On the other hand, the young people suspected of crime who were affected by the lowering of the age limit were even more likely to commit a new crime. These young people also succeeded less well at school.
A new form of punishment for young people was introduced in Denmark in 2019: The Youth Crime Board (ungdomskriminalitetsnævnet). Its aim is to prevent juvenile delinquency by prescribing targeted individual preventive measures for 10–17-year-olds who are suspected (10–14-year-olds) or who have been sentenced to a custodial sentence (15–17-year-olds) for violent offenses or other serious crimes. The results of the quasi-experimental evaluation of the form of punishment indicate a positive crime prevention effect for 10–14-year-olds. The connection was similar, but not significant for 15–17-year-olds. However, there are several reservations about the results, particularly as recidivism was only monitored for one year.
Fuglsang, Hansen & Hjarsen, 2023.

4.3 Influencing the activities of criminal groups

In recent years, the Gang Violence Intervention (GVI) model has been introduced in Sweden to reduce serious violence by criminal groups. The GVI model follows the so-called focused deterrence method, and within its framework, the police, municipality and prison institution work together to convey a clear message to the most violent local groups. According to the model 1) Violence is not tolerated. We care about you, and we don't want you to be hurt or you to hurt others; 2) Future acts of violence have legal consequences for every member of the group and not only for the individuals directly involved in the event; 3) Help is available to those who want to change their life situation and exit the criminal lifestyle.
The effects of the GVI model on firearms violence in Malmö have been studied using a correlative setup. The change in the number of shooting incidents was compared to other cities before and after the start of the intervention. The average number of shooting incidents per month decreased by approximately 25%, from 4.4 to 3.3 incidents. However, the change was not statistically significant. The GVI pilot was carried out at a time when the number of shooting incidents was already declining in Malmö, and therefore the decline cannot be definitely linked specifically to the intervention.
Ivert & Mellgren, 2021.
A couple of years later, a descriptive analysis found that the number of shooting incidents decreased annually until 2021 and increased slightly in 2022. During the period under review, the number of people injured or killed in connection with shooting incidents had also decreased. However, it is difficult to conclude to what extent the GVI model had influenced crime trends.
Ivert & Mellgren, 2023.
According to process evaluations, it has been possible to organize the GVI in Sweden according to the model adopted from the US by adapting it to local conditions and legislation. However, implementing the GVI model is a long-term process that requires a lot of work.
Brottsfärebyggande rådet, Polismyndigheten & Kriminalvården, 2024; Gustafsson et al., 2023; Hellfeldt et al., 2023.
The biggest challenge has been to identify the boundaries between violent groups in the city, as individuals move between different groups and loyalty and ties to different gangs can vary quickly. This can lead to uncertainty about the groups at which sanctions should be targeted. Another challenge has been to understand the role of civic society in the GVI model. The projects have largely been implemented by public authorities, but efforts have been made to increase the participation of civic society.
Ivert, Mellgren & Nilsson, 2020.
The legislation on the exchange of information and confidentiality and its interpretation has also been a challenge in the cooperation.
Starke & Larsson, 2023.
Focused deterrence strategies have also been used in Denmark. In the Danish approach, the police cooperate with, for example, local bar owners or doormen to ensure that gang members are denied access to local bars and nightclubs. No evaluation study was found on the effectiveness of the strategy in the literature review. According to process evaluations, this informal cooperation has significantly increased the police’s influence in private nightlife environments, but the strategy has also raised concerns about double punishment and the difficulties of escaping control.
Søgaard, Houborg & Tutenges, 2016; Rowe & Søgaard, 2020.
Those who were once included in the program usually remained subject to various external actions, even if the police had found that their affiliation to gangs had ended.
Rowe & Søgaard, 2020.
As part of the entity of measures included in Denmark’s first gang package, the Danish police were given the authority to impose area bans (or exclusion zone orders, zoneforbud). Area bans can be used to prevent a designated person from staying in a certain area for a maximum of three months at a time. The police may impose an area ban if the person can be proven to have acted in a particularly threatening manner and caused fear in the specified area. According to the descriptive time series analysis, crime decreased during monitoring in the areas covered by the area ban. Of the seven target areas, the number of reported crimes decreased moderately in six when these provisions were in force. There were no signs of crimes moving outside the areas affected by area ban (Nielsen et al., 2018).
Nielsen, Slothower & Sherman, 2018.
The effectiveness of the investigation processes of serious and organized crime in Sweden has also been evaluated. According to the process evaluation, the use of special situational organizations of the police may be appropriate in the first hours or days after serious crimes. In the longer term, however, the disadvantages associated with such use of resources outweigh the achievable benefits.
Riksrevisionen, 2023.
In Sweden, the effects of increasing the numbers of investigation personnel have also been examined by means of a process evaluation and descriptive analysis. In 2018–2023, the number of employees increased from 8,000 to approximately 10,900, that is, 2,900 persons or 36%. At the same time, the total number of serious crimes in Sweden increased by nearly 30%. Serious crimes are also becoming more complex. However, the clearance rate for serious crimes did not change, but remained at approximately 19%. The clearance rate of crimes varied according to the type of crime. The clearance of serious crimes related to organized crime became more efficient. According to the process evaluation, new and improved working methods have probably contributed slightly to the investigation of serious crimes related to organized crime.
Brå, 2024.

4.4 Cooperation between the authorities

In Sweden, the authorities have been cooperating systematically to combat organized crime since 2008. According to the Swedish National Audit Office’s (Riksrevisionen) process evaluation, the work of the Government and the twelve cooperating authorities has been carried out in such a way that the operational objectives can be achieved. However, it was noted in the evaluation that the Government has not specified what should be achieved through cooperation between the authorities or how the participation of individual authorities should be prioritized in relation to their other functions. This has remained up to the authorities to decide, which gives them considerable leeway to interpret the task and decide on its scope.
Riksrevisionen, 2019.
Cooperation to combat organized crime is also carried out locally in Sweden. In 2011, an extensive joint authority operation, Tore 2, was launched in Södertälje against the criminal parallel structure. The aim was to investigate, prosecute and take other measures against criminal activity. The Swedish Police, the Public Employment Service, the Security Service, the Tax Agency, the Social Insurance Agency, the Coast Guard, the Enforcement Authority, Customs, the Prison and Probation Service, the Prosecution Authority, and the Swedish Economic Crime Authority participated in the cooperation.
The measures taken by the authorities targeted just over half of the 82 people believed to play a significant role in organized crime in Södertälje. According to the process evaluation, the successes of the operation were partly due to good planning and systematic implementation as well as significant allocated resources. Another important factor was the cooperation methods developed between the agencies. For example, weekly meetings, clear problem mapping and decentralization of decision-making to agency coordinators promoted commitment to the cooperation.
Brå, 2022.
A correlative outcome evaluation of the Tore 2 project found that the level of reported crime and perceived fear and vulnerability had decreased more in Södertälje than in the control group, which consisted of other medium-sized cities. However, the measured outcomes cannot be limited or directly linked specifically to the Tore 2 project. The project also aimed to weaken the criminal parallel structure in Södertälje. The results of the evaluation do not support the fact that the measures taken would have had a significant impact on the structural prerequisites of alternative law, corruption or unofficial debt systems.
Brå, 2022.

4.5 Intervention in proceeds of crime

The evaluated projects found in the literature review that relate to the tracing of the proceeds of crime all deal with money laundering. In many cases of money laundering, the aim is to make it more difficult to trace the proceeds of crime, which is why intervening in money laundering is a key approach against organized crime. In the process evaluation of the amendment to the Swedish Money Laundering Act, it was observed that the legal process mainly reveals simpler cases of fraud. Organized crime and advanced money laundering arrangements, on the other hand, do not lead to judgments to the same extent. However, the number of reported money laundering offenses has increased significantly since the legal amendment. Between 2010 and 2013, the average number of those reported was 500 per year, while in 2018, the number of cases rose to nearly 7,000. Network analysis suggests that approximately 15% of suspected cases of money laundering relate to cases that showed indications of organized crime. A relatively small proportion of the cases and convictions concerned advanced money laundering arrangements. According to the evaluation, successful prosecution of these requires more strategic coordination of cases.
Brå, 2019.
According to the Swedish National Audit Office's assessment, the supervision of money laundering is not sufficiently effective or comprehensive to enable the measures to constitute a significant barrier to money laundering by criminals.
Riksrevisionen, 2024.
It has also been stated that the Swedish Economic Crime Authority (Ekobrottsmyndigheten, EBM) has not been given the opportunity to act effectively against organized economic crime and EBM does not have sufficient resources. For example, the intelligence department has not had direct access to the financial information needed to detect and prevent organized financial crime.
Riksrevisionen, 2021.
In recent years, changes have been made to the Money Laundering Act in Denmark. In 2017, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) that combats money laundering found that Denmark did not sufficiently comply with current international standards in force in combating money laundering and terrorist financing. Since then, efforts have been made to make Danish measures more effective through various political agreements and several amendments to the Money Laundering Act. However, the national audit office (Rigsrevisionen), has assessed that the joint efforts of the ministries and the tax administration to combat money laundering and terrorist financing have been ineffective, and the input of the Ministry of Justice in particular has been inadequate.
Rigsrevisionen, 2020.

4.6 Improving the efficiency of exiting from criminal groups

Work to support exit from criminal groups is organized differently in Sweden and Denmark. In Denmark, the national exit strategy provides definite guidelines for exit work, whereas in Sweden, exit work seems more fragmented.

Exit work in Sweden

In Sweden, the police and social welfare services are involved in the exit work, but the Swedish Prison and Probation Service (Kriminalvården) and other authorities and organizations can also implement exit programs. Since the exit programs of municipalities do not carry out practical work themselves, the basic functions of social welfare services or external actors are responsible for implementing the measures. The SIG model includes exit work among young people, but is rarely the primary goal for SIG.
Johansson & Kangasvieri, 2015; Socialstyrelsen, 2016; Wollter, Kassman & Oscarsson, 2013.
Konsultationsteamet, active in Malmö, is an example of a multidisciplinary exit program that operates in the municipality.
Andersson, 2015.
However, the descriptive analysis does not provide answers about its effectiveness.
According to a process evaluation, the exit work of municipalities is hampered by unclear definitions of persons entitled to exit work, bureaucracy and structural challenges related to municipal autonomy, social welfare service legislation and other regulations. Exit work is also challenged by the increase in the number of people in need of help, housing shortage, long waiting times for trauma care and psychiatric services, and the increase in the number of organizations providing exit services. Municipalities and the police must also ensure the safety and protection of former members of criminal groups. The process evaluation proposes that a national exit work structure should be created, a national register established, and a national structure developed for the placement of exiters who are subject to serious threats.
Hedlund, 2023.
There are also rehabilitation centers in Sweden, such as the evaluated Passus, the aim of which is to support gang members in shaping their lives and identity to achieve a new situation in life. Passus’ client assignments mainly come from social welfare services or the police, and they are financed with special state funds to support exit. According to the process evaluation, a key success factor in Passus is close contact with the participant. The round-the-clock support provided by Passus is mentioned as crucial, especially at the start of treatment. The Passus program has high credibility among its participants compared to other forms of support. This is partly due to peer support workers who share the participants’ experiences of a criminal lifestyle and are therefore not easily deceived. Passus' administration that is independent of the state makes it more flexible and increases its legitimacy among the participants. No recidivism study has been carried out among Passus participants, but according to the process evaluation, the interviewees no longer seem to have connections to gangs.
Alstam, Forkby & Holm, 2021.

Exit work in Denmark

In Denmark, exit work focuses on the national exit strategy from 2011, when regional multidisciplinary exit units were established across the country. The police, local authorities and the Prison and Probation Service participate in the multidisciplinary work. The units assess gang members' motivation and suitability for the exit program. Individual agreements are made with the participants, with concrete plans and responsibilities for both the participant and the authorities.
No outcome evaluation has been carried out on the exit units, but according to the process evaluations, many participants feel that the program helps them to stay away from crime and secure a job or study place.
Pedersen, 2016.
Participating in the exit program during a prison sentence can be particularly effective because the participants are highly motivated at that time.
Pedersen, 2014b.
The majority of the participants were ordinary or key members of their criminal organizations, while there were fewer leaders and peripheral members. However, by the time they joined the program, the participants had already started to distance themselves from their gangs.
Pedersen, 2015.
The target group often has complex problems, and the exit work requires tailored, concrete and individual cooperation with program participants. In the process of leaving the gang, employees become trustworthy and important for the exiters. They can temporarily replace old social relationships and act as bridge-builders towards a new way of life.
Johansen, 2021; 2022; 2024.
In addition to the national exit program, Denmark has local operating models and rehabilitation programs that reinforce the national exit strategy or are a part of it. One example is Ny Fremtid, a private exit project in the city of Fredensborg and its surrounding municipalities. The project consists of a period of at least 20 weeks that includes motivating work, finding a job or training and exit support. The aim of the project is for one half of the participants to have found employment or place in education and to have withdrawn from the insider circle of the criminal group within six months. According to the descriptive analysis, 71% of the project participants were employed or attending education six months after joining the program. Participants who did not start working or attending education, participated in either psychological or drug treatment, or were serving a prison sentence.
Als Research, 2017.
Another Danish exit program, the Breathe SMART yoga course, is aimed at people with a background in crime, drug abuse and gang affiliations. In addition to yoga, meditation and breathing techniques, the Breathe SMART course consists of lectures inspired by the yoga philosophy. The Breathe SMART program consists of a five-day course, after which participants can join weekly two-hour group sessions. Breathe SMART is available also in several prisons and drug rehabilitation centers, and you can get a referral to the program from municipalities, the Prison and Probation Service and the national exit program, for example. According to the process evaluation, the most noticeable change for participants under the age of 25 was that after the course, they reacted less aggressively and violently in situations where they would normally have been violent.
Ahlmark, 2015.
According to them, holistic mental commitment led to increased internal awareness and adoption of softer emotions.
Deuchar, 2020.
The boxing-based rehabilitation program “New Start” (pseudonymous name), active in a disadvantaged neighborhood of Copenhagen, has also been studied. Like the national exit program, enrolling and participating in the New Start program prevents cuts of young gang members' social benefits. Successful completion of the program may also enable their name to be removed from the national list of gang criminals. The process evaluation stated the following about the program: its structure and routines, social ties and meaningful activities promoted optimism during the New Start program. However, according to participants, returning to their own environments after the program caused stigma, peer pressure and frustration.
Deuchar et al., 2016.

4.7 Protecting vulnerable areas

Measures aimed at vulnerable areas have been a strategic focus in both Sweden’s and Denmark’s work against organized crime. This section presents evaluations of the police’s operations, the effectiveness of CCTV surveillance and social initiatives in the residential community in vulnerable areas.

Police operations in vulnerable areas

“Ordning och säkerhet” was a regional project launched in 2020, which gave the Malmö police additional resources for working with vulnerable areas, criminal networks and gang violence. Thanks to the initiative, the Malmö Police had up to 20 police officers on duty during the evening shifts, who focused on vulnerable areas, open drug trade and conflicts between criminal networks. The targeted areas in the project were defined by weekly decisions. According to a correlative outcome evaluation analysis, during the increased presence of the police, more people were arrested by the police as suspects in offenses involving weapons and drug crime, which indicates more efficient work against criminal networks. On the other hand, the number of violent offenses or thefts did not decrease significantly during the increased presence.
Gerell & Ellberg, 2021.
Fenix was a regional police operation, launched in 2014, targeting the areas of Rinkeby, Tensta and Husby. The aim was to reduce crime locally and increase the safety of people living in the areas. The project also aimed to increase trust in the police and improve the working environment of police officers working there. The operation included setting up a special investigation team in the area and strengthening community policing. According to the descriptive analysis, the number of robberies, assaults in public places, violence against the police, burglaries and cases of arson registered by the police had decreased since the start of the project compared to the neighboring areas. The change was statistically significant in the case of robberies and burglaries. However, the number of registered narcotics offenses and traffic offenses increased in the target areas. The increase was statistically significant as concerns narcotics offenses. The growth indicates that the police have succeeded in tackling these types of crime in accordance with the objectives of the operation. Although the operation affected some types of crime, the population did not feel that the overall public order, feeling of security or trust in the police had improved in the area.
Brå, 2016.
According to the overall evaluation made by the Swedish National Audit Office, police operations in vulnerable areas are not entirely well suited to purpose. Firstly, the police must make the method for identifying vulnerable areas more reliable. Secondly, there are not enough community police officers in vulnerable areas. The evaluation also states that as the local police district has been given more resources to work in vulnerable areas, the situation in these areas has improved. However, funds allocated to vulnerable areas must be long-term.
Riksrevisionen, 2020.
Cooperation between the police and the municipality in particularly vulnerable areas has also been studied. According to the process evaluation, joint crime prevention had difficulties in finding a suitable target when dealing with the risk of aggravated violence or when the activities were targeted at more organized crime. These two elements are part of the definition of particularly vulnerable areas. It was more effective to work with young people who were at risk of using drugs or committing minor crimes.
Alstam & Forkby, 2022.

Camera surveillance in vulnerable areas

The use of surveillance cameras by the police and other actors has become more common in recent decades, and special attention has been paid to vulnerable areas. In Sweden, the outcome of camera surveillance on crime and solving of crimes has been analyzed using a correlative approach.
Gerell, 2021.
The analysis compared the development of crime and solving of crimes in the target areas and in control areas that were as comparable as possible, before and after the start of surveillance. The study found that the introduction of surveillance cameras was linked to a decrease in violent crimes, but not to a significant change in property crimes or the rate of crimes solved.
Another correlative study evaluated the development of crime in surveillance areas and comparable control areas before and after the start of CCTV surveillance.
Kronkvist, Nordqvist & Ivert, 2019.
The study found some indications of improvements in the area studied: the number of violent crimes decreased, but that of property crimes did not. The number of narcotics offenses increased, probably due to the police’s additional resources for investigating narcotics offenses. The results of the process evaluation in the same area indicate that open drug trade and other problems have decreased in the area under surveillance. Drug trafficking has moved partly to more sheltered places in the area under supervision, and partly to other areas.
Since 2018, the Danish Parliament has funded the installation of 450 surveillance camera systems. The aim was to increase the feeling of security, prevent crime and support the investigation of crimes. According to a correlative analysis by the National Audit Office of Denmark, surveillance cameras did not have a crime-preventing effect. On the contrary, cameras led to an increase in the number of crime reports. However, the solving of crimes improved in areas where surveillance cameras were installed. This particularly applied to crimes related to weapons, violence, disorderly conduct and narcotics. According to the evaluation, the Ministry of Justice has not ascertained that the police have placed surveillance cameras in places where they would most effectively prevent street crime.
Rigsrevisionen, 2021.

Social initiatives in the residential community

Local projects that promote more positive development in several residential areas have also been evaluated.
Ekholm & Dahlstedt, 2021; Höglund, 2020; Nilsson & Karström, 2020; Pilemalm, Grahn & Källgården, 2020.
One of the more thoroughly evaluated initiatives deals with the areas of Sofielund in Malmö, which have long been considered insecure and crime-prone. Approximately 20 property owners established the BID Sofielund organization in 2014. The founders identified the need for a new cooperation model to solve the challenges in the area. Within the framework of the model, for example, cleaning of public environments, farming projects, basic cycling courses, children’s reading and writing workshops and safety walks have been implemented. According to a correlative analysis, the number of crimes reported in the area has decreased since the establishment of BID Sofielund. However, this does not apply to narcotics offenses, the number of which has developed variably during monitoring. According to surveys and interviews conducted in the evaluation, residents feel that several disruptive factors have decreased over time. Certain forms of insecurity, such as the fear of going out alone late in the evening, have also decreased. However, it is impossible to link individual measures to the observed changes or to determine exactly what role the property owners’ organization BID Sofielund has played in the positive development of the area.
Ivert, Di Rocco & Kronkvist, 2023; Kronkvist & Ivert, 2020; Kronkvist & Ivert, 2017.
Since 2014, Denmark has made a conscious effort to develop communities in vulnerable areas through social initiatives in the residential community (Boligsociale indsatser). The National Building Fund (Landsbyggefonden) has distributed funds annually to vulnerable residential areas. The funds have been allocated to rent subsidies and social initiatives in the residential community, such as leisure work, youth councils, sports and exercise activities, fire brigade youth, parental networks and mother groups. The primary objective of such development projects has not directly been to solve crime. However, they can potentially indirectly prevent crime by targeting activities at children and young people in risk groups. The correlative outcome evaluation of these projects did not find any immediate crime prevention effects.
Christensen et al., 2021; 2022.
However, crime among 10–14-year-olds, for example, has decreased in vulnerable areas during the projects.
Christensen et al., 2019.

4.8 Key findings

The evaluation study review described above found little evidence based on strong set-ups on the effectiveness of different measures. However, some promising measures can be highlighted on its basis.
  • The Youth Crime Board in Denmark, whose results indicate a positive crime prevention effect, although there are several reservations.
    Fuglsang et al. 2023.
  • The authorities' Tore 2 project, aimed at counteracting the parallel structure, in which the level of reported crime as well as perceived fear and vulnerability decreased during the project. However, the measured effects cannot be easily isolated or directly associated with the operation.
    Brå, 2022.
  • Increased police presence in vulnerable areas, resulting in more people being detained by the police as suspects
    Gerell & Ellberg, 2021.
    of armed crime and narcotics offenses, and a reduction in reported cases of robbery and burglary.
    Brå, 2016.
    Cooperation between property owners has also been observed to reduce the number of crimes in vulnerable areas.
    Ivert, Di Rocco & Kronkvist, 2023; Kronkvist & Ivert, 2020; Kronkvist & Ivert, 2017.
  • About the use of surveillance cameras: In Sweden, the introduction of surveillance cameras was associated with a reduction in violence, but not a significant change in property crime or crime investigation.
    Gerell, 2021; Kronkvist, Nordqvist & Ivert, 2019.
    In Denmark, camera surveillance was not found to prevent crime, but crime solving improved in the areas where surveillance camera systems were installed.
    Rigsrevisionen, 2021.
The process evaluations have also highlighted some important observations about the effectiveness of the measures:
  • Allocating resources to a specific problem must be long-term. For example, regional police operations in vulnerable areas have shown good results, but temporary operations have had a short-term effect above all.
    Riksrevisionen, 2020.
  • Organized crime often requires special measures. Several evaluations show that if measures were designed to target a wide range of crime problems, including crime by criminal groups, these measures were often more effective in combating less organized and less serious crime.
    Alstam & Forkby, 2022; Wollter & Oscarsson, 2018.
  • Organizing exit work at the national level can facilitate the organization of systematic work, a multidisciplinary approach to work and the placement of exiters who are subject to serious threats.
    Hedlund, 2023; Johansen, 2021.