3. Social acceptance and wind power

Renewable energy technologies such as wind energy play an important role in providing sustainable alternatives to fossil fuels and achieving climate neutrality. Across the Nordic region, wind power has been an important component in renewable energy strategies over the past two decades, illustrated by significant expansions of wind energy capacities.

The development of wind energy, as illustrated in Figure 1, varies across the region (Skjærseth et al. 2023). Denmark has been a frontrunner in wind energy development in the early 2000s, but lately, this development has leveled out, and Sweden, Norway, and Finland have seen bigger increases in their capacity in the past 10 years. Sweden, especially, has had a substantial increase in wind energy production from 2010 to 2022. Iceland has only a small amount of wind energy production, with the majority of their energy produced by hydropower and geothermal energy.

Figure 1: Primary production of wind energy across the Nordic countries (Nordic Statistics)

The difference in development of wind energy across the Nordic region is an important context to keep in mind when looking at its social acceptance in the different countries (and across different regions within countries). As described in the previous chapter (section 2.1.3), prior experience with wind power installations can influence residents’ perceptions and willingness to accept further developments in their local area.

Renewable energy projects, such as wind power, evidently change the landscape and impact their surroundings. This can be one driver of resistance within local communities, particularly when local values and priorities are overlooked in the planning process. Across the Nordic countries, it is evident that social acceptance at the local level (community acceptance) can have an especially big impact on the success of wind energy projects. Multiple examples have shown how local opposition can halt the process of expanding wind energy and have national consequences for reaching green energy goals (Arler et al. 2023), with the most notable example being the 2019 Norwegian moratorium for all onshore wind permitting (2019–2022).

This chapter assesses the status and challenges of social acceptance of wind energy across the Nordic countries, with special focus on Finland, Denmark and Norway. Finally, we highlight examples of policies and initiatives addressing social acceptance that can inspire policymakers across Nordic countries.

3.1 Status of social acceptance of wind energy in the Nordics

Social acceptance of wind power varies across Nordic countries. According to a 2023-survey by Norstat that investigated the public attitude towards the green energy transition in 26 European countries, there seems to be a bigger negative attitude towards wind farms in Norway compared to Denmark, Finland and Sweden (see Figure 2).

The survey asked participants about their general attitude towards wind farms, as well as their attitude towards living near one. In all four countries, participants were more negative towards living near a wind farm compared to the overall attitude towards wind farms. It is worth noting that “living near” is interpreted differently across the Nordic countries. For example, the Norwegian respondents perceive wind farms to be close to home within a larger distance compared to the other Nordic respondents (Norstat 2023).

Figure 2: General attitude towards wind farms in 2023 (Norstat 2023)

Below, we describe the situation in Denmark, Finland and Norway in more detail.

In Denmark, there is (generally) a positive attitude towards wind energy as a viable green energy source, which has been further strengthened due to an unstable geopolitical situation, increasing the focus on energy self-sufficiency (Andersen et al. 2023). A 2023 survey by the Danish Chamber of Commerce asking Danes about their attitude towards wind power installations found that 68% wanted more windmills, 18% wanted the same amount, 8% wanted fewer wind turbines, and 6% were unsure (Dansk Erhverv 2023). These results show a relatively high level of socio-political acceptance.

The picture, however, changes when looking at community acceptance. Here, resistance towards wind energy projects is more prevalent. Local resistance and long bureaucratic processes have already slowed down the establishment of new wind energy projects in Denmark. A lack of social acceptance therefore also risks the achievement of the national goal of quadrupling onshore wind capacity between 2021 and 2030 (Kirkegaard 2023). For example, a study by the Technical University of Denmark found that one out of five wind turbine projects have been dropped since 2009 due to local resistance (Møller 2023), while other studies indicate that local resistance is the reason why 14 out of 17 projects have been abandoned (Kirkegaard 2023). However, it is also worth noting that there are differences in how well the different Danish municipalities have handled the situation, with some municipalities having greater success in gaining social acceptance than others (CONCITO 2018).

A 2022 report, by Ramboll for the Danish Energy Agency, found that some of the chairmen from Danish municipalities perceived that the local acceptance in their municipality was increasing. One of the reasons for this change could be an increased awareness of the need for an expansion of green energy to be independent from Russian gas (Ramboll 2022). The Danish government acknowledges that local acceptance is an important part of moving forward with the expansion of renewable energy, e.g. of wind turbines and solar panels. Different compensation schemes have been set up to compensate local homeowners who lose property value, and the schemes are continually evaluated and improved (Energistyrelsen n.d.). These are administered by the Danish Energy Agency.

In Finland, public support for wind power has generally remained strong over the past few decades, although the trend appears to be declining. A Finnish 2023 survey on attitudes toward different energy production methods showed that 77 percent of respondents favored increasing wind power production, 14 percent considered the current level adequate, and 5 percent thought it should be reduced (Energiateollisuus ry 2023). This survey has been conducted since 2000, when Finland only had 50 wind turbines (Suomen uusiutuvat ry 2024). At that time, attitudes were overwhelmingly positive, with 91 percent supporting an increase in wind power production – the highest level recorded, alongside a similar result in 2008 (see Figure 3). These findings are also supported by a survey (Metelinen 2022) in which 77 percent of respondents had a positive attitude towards wind power production. The positive attitude was present in all population and age groups, and the proportion of negative attitudes was small. There is a small divide in the attitudes between women and men: 84 percent of the women respondents and 69 percent of the men have a positive attitude towards wind production.

Figure 3: Opinions towards whether wind power in Finland should be increased or not (Energiateollisuus ry 2023).

While the overall public acceptance of wind power has been relatively high in opinion polls, local acceptance is a more complex issue, as the impacts are more concrete and cumulative locally. In a recent survey by Peltonen et al. (2024) the state of community acceptance appeared significantly lower and more polarized than, for example, the market and the socio-political acceptance of wind power. Only 5 percent considered the community acceptance to be very high, 33 percent fairly high, 22 percent fairly low, and 17 percent very low. Community acceptance also has large variation across regions and localities. It should also be noted that the regional distribution of the economic benefits of wind power is uneven. In practice, the investments are centered in western Finland, leaving eastern Finland (already suffering from low economic growth and regional vitality) without investments. This is mainly due to the needs of the defense forces and the restrictions caused by the regional surveillance system.

In the current Finnish government program, there are some wind energy related measures. According to Peltonen et al. (2024), the most critiqued measures were ambiguous obligation to provide energy storage, the minimum distance regulation, and the reduction of the steering effect of the regional plans. The most useful were increasing compensation for land rent, strengthening the position of landowners, bundling interconnectors, strengthening landscape assessment, and lowering the environmental impact assessment threshold for smaller wind farms.

In Norway, public support for increasing onshore wind power production has generally been high (higher than the opposition to it) until 2021 (Aasen et al. 2023). CICERO's climate survey has measured public opinion on wind power production, since 2018, finding that support for onshore wind halved from 2018 to 2021 from 65 percent to 33 percent. Opposition increased from 10 percent to 40 percent in this period.

In 2021 the share of the sample with negative opinions towards onshore wind power production is larger than the share of the sample with positive opinions. From 2021 and onwards, the data indicate a slight trend of increased support when compared with 2021. About a third of the sample indicate an undecided middle category or choose “do not know” every year (Aasen et al. 2023).

Figure 4: How well does the statement “Norway should increase its onshore wind power production” match with your opinion? (N2018 = 2052, N2019 = 2021, N 2020 = 2006, N2021 = 2477, N2022 = 2004, N2023 = 2079) (Aasen et al 2023)

In Autumn 2018, Norway saw the beginning of increasing mobilization against wind power onshore. The mobilization was increasingly well organized, with the establishment of a national organization, Motvind, in the following year (Motvind 2019). Negative sentiments towards wind power on social media peaked around the time the Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Directorate (NVE) presented the National Framework for Windpower Onshore in Spring 2019 and peaked again at an even higher level one year later (Vågerö et al. 2024).

The National Framework consisted of a knowledge base, which addressed relevant topics for wind power (e.g. the knowledge status of different species and how they are affected by wind power), and a map, which designated the 13 most suitable areas for wind power onshore in Norway (NVE 2019). The intention of the National Framework was to map where the conditions are best suited for wind power in Norway (for example, due to good wind conditions or a well-developed power grid), as well as where the conditions are unsuitable. However, the framework was largely perceived as a development plan for wind power and created considerable opposition (Aftenposten 2019). Input to the hearing of the National Framework showed large resistance, with, for example, 49 out of 56 municipalities expressing that they were against development of wind power in their area. As a consequence, the Ministry of Energy decided not to go ahead with the National Framework and introduced a moratorium for all onshore wind permitting for three years (2019–2022).

Support for wind power decreased until 2022. In 2022, the electricity crisis with increased power prices and war in Europe highlighted the need for more power. During the moratorium, the government also tried to improve the licensing process emphasizing local anchorage, introducing ground rent tax and changing the rules for how to consider landscape and nature – changes which might also have played a role in the level of support for wind power (KLIMA 2022a and 2022b).

3.2 Challenges across the Nordic countries – wind power

Across the Nordic countries, the challenges with regards to social acceptance for wind energy projects can be divided into three main categories:

Balancing benefits and negative impacts of wind energy projects (see section 3.2.1.)
Sámi culture and reindeer herding (see section 3.2.2.)
Community involvement and process transparency (see section 3.2.3.)

These are described in further detail in their respective sections below.

3.2.1 Balancing benefits and negative impacts of wind energy projects

Negative impacts of wind energy projects

Perceived impacts play a crucial role in explaining local acceptance of wind power projects (e.g., Peltonen et al. 2024; Luoma et al. 2022; Janhunen, Hujala & Pätäri 2014). Common concerns include distributional impacts, and environmental consequences, including concerns about landscape and nature preservation.

A study on the social acceptability of wind power in central Finland identified the main concerns as impacts on landscape changes, property values, electricity transmission, buffer zones, tourism, and the golden eagle (Luoma et al. 2022). Among these, electricity transmission posed a significant challenge for regional land-use planning. As more wind turbines are built, a larger network is needed to transfer energy, resulting in greater forest clearance. Other concerns included the fragmentation of forests and natural areas, which affect recreational activities, changes to landscape and soundscape experiences, impacts on carbon sinks and biodiversity, and water bodies like groundwater. Additionally, residents raised health and quality-of-life concerns related to noise, visual impacts, and lighting from nearby wind power installations.

The importance of environmental impacts is widely seen as a growing challenge to acceptability in the future (Peltonen et al. 2024). Rapid wind development in Finland over the past decade has caused increasing and widespread environmental and ecological effects, due to land use changes. Also, it raised concerns that the fast-paced project approvals and construction may lead to quality issues in projects and processes, particularly in environmental impact assessments. Concern about biodiversity loss, as a global issue comparable to climate change, further intensifies this tension (Peltonen et al. 2024.)

In Norway, there is a similar high concern with the impact of wind energy development on nature and landscape, as many sites for wind power projects take place in the wilderness. Leiren et al. (2020) find that sense of place, self-identity and place attachment is perceived as a barrier to a larger extent in Norway than among stakeholders in many other European countries. They find that “People in rural Norway, including the Sami people, and people who have grown up in rural Norway, typically have a special sense of self-identity and place attachment, which wind power affects in a negative way” (Leiren et al. 2020, p. 17).

People value being able to experience nature without any constructions and use it for, among others, hiking, fishing, hunting and reindeer herding. Wind power constructions increase fragmentation of nature areas and affect vulnerable and rare habitat types and species, many of which there is a lack of knowledge about the impact, for example, the habitats of bats and wild reindeer (NVE, 2022). Hence, debates about wind power in Norway often address the dilemma of climate versus nature, which highlights that deployment of renewables as a climate measure creates interventions in areas of untouched nature. Inderberg, Theisen et al. (2020) find that negative impacts on the local environment substantially reduce the chances of a wind power project being granted a license.

In Denmark the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is the main decision-supporting tool in relation to the environmental impacts (including considerations for human health) of a wind energy project. Complaints about EIAs go through the Board of Appeals on Environment and Food. In 2020 and 2021 (until April 2021) a total of 13 rulings were registered in the board of appeals. The concerns in the rulings related mostly to human health and well-being such as concerns about noise (10 complaints) and visual impacts (8 complaints). The only biophysical issue raised was a concern about the local bat population (4 complaints) (Clausen et al., 2021).

Opportunities related to wind energy projects

Besides negative impacts, locals also recognize that wind power (or other renewable energy) can provide benefits to them or their local area.

Researchers find that economic benefits and opportunities for local businesses are key drivers for public acceptance in Norway (Rygg 2020; Figari et al. 2024). Municipalities benefit from property tax and may settle further benefits by compensation agreements (e.g., local development funds, hiking and skiing trails, tourist huts), although some developers and municipalities are more reluctant, given the moral and legal status of such agreements (Saglie et al. 2020, Aakre et al. 2020). However, economic spin-offs from tax income and new infrastructure and investments are important for municipalities which experience increased activity and jobs, in particular during the construction phase and opportunities for local entrepreneurs to expand their services (Figari et al. 2024).

Economic benefits are also highlighted by different stakeholders in Denmark. State of Green (a nonprofit partnership between the Danish government and Danish Industry, Green Power Denmark, and the Danish Agriculture and Food Council) has highlighted the socio-economic benefits of wind energy in Denmark. They highlight job creation, tax income, and export opportunities. For example, energy technologies and services have become an important aspect of Danish exports. In 2019, they accounted for nearly 14% of Denmark’s total exported goods, of which over half was related to wind energy technology and services (State of Green 2021). It was also mentioned in the workshop that there is a need to better account for non-economic factors.

Individual perceptions and local anchorage

It is important to note that local residents have diverse perspectives, and attitudes toward wind power are shaped by individual perceptions of its impacts. According to Janhunen et al. (2014), in a study on wind power in Finland, permanent residents and second-home owners might have differing views. Second-home owners tend to hold more negative expectations regarding place image, landscape changes, tourism, economy, and property values, while permanent residents focus more on practical and personal aspects, seeing wind power to generate economic opportunities and support a sustainable future. Benefit sharing has also been a discussion regarding the impact of wind power on tourism. One concern is that the benefits of wind power go elsewhere while the negative effects will manifest locally (Luoma et al. 2022).

Impacts and benefits are also perceived differently by residents based on alignment with existing local goals, interests, and livelihoods. According to Peltonen et al. (2024), when alignment is high, wind power projects are more likely to gain community support. Projects initiated by private landowners tend to have higher levels of local acceptance compared to those initiated by wind power companies, as they are seen as more aligned with local objectives. This sentiment was echoed in the aforementioned study in central Finland, where stakeholders highlighted benefits such as increased municipal tax revenue, financial gains for landowners leasing their land, and job creation during the construction phase (Luoma et al. 2022).

The online workshop also emphasized that there are varied concerns between rural and urban areas. For example, concerns related to Sámi reindeer herders (explained in the next chapter), or a feeling of imbalanced responsibility between rural and metropolitan Denmark.

Compensation schemes to increase the benefits of wind power

While not a direct benefit, policy instruments such as compensation schemes can help dampen perceived negative impacts of wind energy projects. In Denmark, the government has focused on improving the local benefit from wind energy projects by implementing several compensation schemes over the years. As of June 1, 2020, the Green Energy Arrangements (“VE-Ordninger”) encompass four different schemes. They were updated on the 1^st of July 2024, with increased compensation values in some schemes:

The property value loss scheme (Værditabsordningen): After the green energy plant (wind turbines) is put up neighbors can receive compensation if their property value decreases by more than 1%.
Option to sell property (Salgsoptionsordning): Neighbors at a distance of up to 6 times the wind turbine’s height can choose to sell their property to the developers within one year after 1 kWh has been produced.
Renewable energy bonus scheme (VE-bonusordningen): Neighbors at a distance of up to 8 times the wind turbine’s height have the right to get a yearly payment based on a share of the electricity production. As of July 1, 2024, this payment increased by 50%.
Green fund scheme (Grøn pulje): The developer must pay a certain amount per MW to the municipality, which can then be applied for by the local community, e.g. citizens, companies and associations in the municipality. As of July 1, 2024, the amount increased by 150% (Energistyrelsen 2024).

The old compensation schemes were evaluated by Ramboll in 2022, as a baseline, with another assessment planned in 2024 to assess the new compensation schemes from June 2020. The Ramboll report concluded that the three old compensation schemes did not influence the local acceptance (Ramboll 2022), with the main reason being that survey respondents perceived the compensation values as too low. The government has therefore increased the compensation in the new compensation schemes from 2024.

In the online workshop, it was emphasized that Sweden lacks a local monetary incentive system, which is now being initiated, with the recognition that local support (and getting past the local/ municipal veto power) requires local benefits.

While compensation can help gain social acceptance, it is important to consider how much is given and to whom, ensuring that citizens perceive it as fair. Compensation should be accompanied with dialogue with locals, so citizens do not feel they are simply being paid off, as this undermines trust and fairness (Hübner et al. 2023). This was further highlighted in the online workshop, where the importance of not just relying on economic compensation in securing local support was highlighted.

3.2.2 Sámi culture and reindeer herding

Northern parts of Finland, Norway and Sweden are attractive to wind power due to its sparse population and favorable wind conditions. However, it is also where Sápmi and reindeer herding areas are located, which creates challenges for balancing indigenous cultures, local livelihoods, and wind power investments.

Traditionally, Indigenous peoples have contributed little to climate change but are affected by a warmer climate, as well as by interventions aimed at cutting emissions such as wind power. In a study of the effects of wind power development on reindeer in Finnmark, Norway, the herders expressed that wind power had negative effects on reindeers’ general habitat use and their intra-range movements, resulting in the herd using the grazing areas surrounding the wind power less, leading to increased workload for the herders (Eftestøl et al. 2023).

Focusing on the court case between the wind energy company Fosen Vind DA and the Southern Sámi reindeer herders in Norway, Fjellheim (2023) finds that climate change policies and the green energy transition has renewed colonial structures and injustices for Indigenous peoples in land-use conflicts. She finds that the competing parties represented different knowledge systems and worldviews. In this power struggle, the “Norwegian state strategically ignored all knowledge that threatened capitalist and green colonial interests” (Fjellheim 2023). Kårtveit (2021) shows how the concept of green colonialism serves as a political narrative that informs Sámi opposition to wind power plants, structures people's understanding of such projects and places their understanding within a history of several encroachments on Sámi land.

Similar issues are prevalent in Finland, where the Sámi homeland area and the reindeer herding area in Northern Finland are attractive for wind power development. The reindeer herding areas cover more than a third of the country, and several wind power projects in these areas have created tensions. Reindeer herding has a special legal status in Finland, having free grazing rights in the reindeer herding area regardless of the land ownership (Luoma & Kangasoja 2023). Nevertheless, wind power operators are unfamiliar with the practices of reindeer herding and usually do not recognize its special status, which has resulted in tensions between the industries. According to the reindeer herders, they have been ignored in planning processes for wind power, or their views have been considered too late, resulting in disruptions and loss of herding areas as well as loss of livelihoods. In these kinds of situations, the only recourse for herding cooperatives has traditionally been legal action, which might have deepened the conflicts and hindered the development of the whole region. One of the main issues has been the lack of shared understanding of the impact of wind power projects on reindeer herding practices, grazing areas, and the prospects of their livelihood. There have also been differences in the operating and communication cultures between the wind energy operators and reindeer herders. Also, the traditional knowledge in reindeer herding does not easily translate into geographic information systems or statistical data. (Luoma & Kangasoja 2023). To solve the issues between the wind power sector and reindeer herders, a dialogue forum has been developed (see Section 3.3.).

In Sweden, the wind power production is heavily focused in the southern part of the country, but there are installations in the north as well. Based on the findings of the workshop, the situation in Sweden is similar to Norway and Finland.

3.2.3 Community involvement and process transparency

Another factor that influences the degree of local opposition and community acceptance is how just and transparent the planning process is perceived to be by the local community (Palsberg et al. 2024), and how the procedures and their fairness are perceived (Peltonen et al. 2024).

In Finland, regional plans play a crucial role in guiding wind power development, and the consultation process during regional planning is a key stage of interaction. Zoning decisions are made on the municipal level. As a result, it can be challenging for participants to distinguish between the roles and processes of regional and municipal planning, leading to confusion. In addition, the municipalities in the region can have different practices regarding zoning, decision-making, and engaging with residents on wind power projects (Luoma et al. 2022). Also, Janhunen et al. (2018) found that the planning processes are seen as complicated. According to the study, the residents’ participation in the planning process was passive, and local people did not perceive they had an opportunity to participate. The study suggests that lack of perceived participation in the planning process decreases the acceptability in terms of perceived personal well-being, and the participation processes stay at the level of tokenism.

In many municipalities, a lack of transparency and insufficient public involvement has undermined trust in the decision-making process related to wind power projects (Luoma et al. 2022). Moreover, the landowners find the current expropriation process for land required by transmission corridors unreasonable. According to Peltonen et al. (2024), the features that support acceptability of wind energy projects are landowner engagement and cooperation in the early stages of wind projects, fair treatment of landowners, impact management and compensation. The benefits are increased if there is early and long-term interaction from wind companies with local stakeholders. The importance of involvement has been noted, and there is a successful case of continuing dialogue within reindeer herders (see Section 3.3.).

The rapid pace of wind power development in Finland with lack of coordination has been identified as an issue for stakeholders (Peltonen et al. 2024). Wind energy companies, consultants and municipalities have a lot of influence on the acceptability of wind energy. Peltonen et al. (2024) states that the field would benefit if common guidelines were developed, but the public and private actors should improve their interaction and cooperation to coordinate the development of wind power. It should be noted that the municipalities have a strong role in Finland in land use planning and decision-making related to wind power through zoning and a property tax model that allows municipalities to benefit financially from wind power projects. The combination of local decision making and economic benefits seems to be important for the local acceptance of wind power (Peltonen et al. 2024).

A further challenge in terms of involvement of locals is how different types of concerns are handled in the existing framework of the planning process. In their study on Danish wind power, Borch, Kirkegaard and Nyborg (2023) divide citizen concerns regarding wind turbine projects into two categories: 1) tangible concerns that are quantifiable (such as wind turbine size, environmental impact assessment, legal rights, and compensation) and 2) intangible concerns which are harder to quantify (such as issues related to relationships and social values). They argue that the current system in Denmark often neglects these intangible concerns, as they are harder to calculate and measure and can be perceived as less legitimate. This can result in locals feeling that their concerns are not taken into consideration, making them lose trust in the system (Borch et al. 2023). The paper furthermore showcases examples of Danish wind power projects where an insufficient dialogue and handling of concerns reached the media, in turn creating more opposition to the project. They recommend that one solution for handling intangible concerns is to focus on dialog with the locals and having a system that can help facilitate such a dialog.

The Danish municipalities play an important role in facilitating dialogue between different stakeholders (locals, developers, and the government). However, practices vary between municipalities in how they approach these involvement processes (Palsberg et al. 2024). When assessing different successful examples of green energy projects in the municipalities, one of the main success factors has been the early involvement of the locals. Municipalities can do this, but the developers can also take the initiative (Green Power Denmark 2024).

Furthermore, there can be differences in terms of the local politicians’ views on whether they support wind turbines in their municipality. Some examples show that the local politicians change their views based on local opposition, even if the opposition does not represent the majority’s views. This can cause local politicians to reject a project proposal before a local project hearing (Green Power Denmark 2019).

Norway used to have a centralized licensing model for wind power, where the Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Directorate (NVE) was in charge of permitting. Although the municipal authorities’ approval has weighed heavily in decisions on granting wind power licenses (Inderberg et al. 2019), Gulbrandsen et al. (2021) argue that this model has resulted in serious conflicts between the central and local levels, as well as between energy and nature protection interests. They are of the opinion that NVE ‘pushed greater development of wind power, at the expense of transparent and predictable consideration for nature concerns’ (Gulbrandsen et al. 2021).

As a direct consequence of the opposition against wind power in 2019, the Norwegian government changed the regulations for wind power licensing (KLIMA 2022a, 2022b). The new rules imply limited possibilities for changes once permits are granted (e.g., the permits need to be acted upon sooner) and processes are now entrenched in municipal planning, which means two authorities are involved in permitting, the national authorities and the local authorities need to cooperate. Since the peak resistance in 2019, there are, however, not many municipalities that have launched an interest in hosting wind energy (Eikeland et al. 2023).

Leiren and Linnerud (2019) point out that the developers’ opportunity to use the best available technology at the time of realization of a project has played a role for acceptance of wind power in Norway. As the technology of wind turbines develops fast, as well as that it might take a long time before a permit is acted upon, this rule might imply changes in the project, including larger turbines, and therefore less turbines, that are placed differently in the landscape. When turbines are up to 50 meters higher than in the original plan, people feel that they have been misinformed during the process. However, this issue has been addressed by shortening the scope of time within which a project has to be realized. Therefore, there is now less possibility for change of the original proposal.

3.3 Policy experiences - wind power and social acceptance

In this section, we present several examples of how social acceptance has been addressed in the Nordic countries in relation to wind power and renewable energy installations. The examples connect to the main challenges outlined above. As the examples serve to share learnings and inspire the Nordic countries, not all examples depict a successful intervention or initiative.

The examples covered are:

Example 1: Cooperation forums, Finland

In Finland there are multiple examples of cooperation forums aimed to improve the dialogue between different stakeholders.

Tensions between the wind power sector and reindeer herders have been a large issue in Finland. From 2019 to 2023, dialogue between the wind power sector and reindeer herding was developed to address these tensions. A neutral cooperation forum was established by the Reindeer Herders' Association and the Finnish Wind Power Association with the help of an independent mediator. This forum facilitated understanding between the sectors, identified key issues for reconciling their interests, and produced jointly approved recommendations for wind power project planning and operations in reindeer herding areas. (Luoma & Kangasoja 2023).

The dialogue has increased the mutual understanding of the sectors. Local acceptability has been built with regular communication, while taking the time to discuss the hard questions. Sector dialogue has shifted from project-level conflicts to developing mutually accepted practices in these discussions. This “collaborative intervention” approach has resulted in a continuous cooperation forum with over 100 participants (Luoma & Kangasoja 2023).

Such dialogue was also taken up in relation to upcoming projects in offshore wind, where the environmental ministry of Finland led an “interaction forum” for the stakeholders in order to enable the interaction. In the forum, the participants raised worries about whether there is sufficient information, resources, and time for thoughtful project siting and careful planning as the projects progress rapidly. (Gaia Consulting 2023.)

Example 2: Local investments, Denmark

As mentioned previously, local ownership of wind power installations is one approach to strengthen local acceptance. This approach has been very successful in different Danish projects. One example is the installation of a large locally owned wind turbine in Thyborøn. The goal, to establish a locally anchored project in which only citizens in the municipality could buy a share, has resulted in over 2,800 locals investing in the project, corresponding to around 20% of citizens over 18 years in the municipality. Early involvement of locals and organizations like the Danish Society for Nature Conservation has created local support of the project, and the project has received no official complaints (Tornbjerg 2024). There has been a long tradition (since 1987) of citizen-owned wind turbines in the municipality, which could also play a role in the success. Furthermore, it is worth noting that the concept of locally owned wind turbine projects played a big role in the initial establishment of wind power in Denmark, which has later transitioned into large-scale investments taking over (Skjærseth et al. 2023).

Example 3: Direct and indirect ownership, Norway

THEMA Consulting Group (2024) has looked into how to strengthen local ownership in renewable power projects in Norway. As investments in wind power projects are capital intensive, they suggest overcoming this capital barrier by ensuring that the municipality or the county has a share of ownership from the initiation of the project, which is then paid off over time. They also point out that there is a need for municipalities and counties for standardized contracts or commercial advice that can be supportive in negotiations. Loan financing via the Norwegian Agency for Local Governments (‘Kommunalbanken’) would also be helpful.

Example 4: Recommendations from NEKST working group, Denmark

In 2023, the Danish government set up a working group tasked with supporting a faster expansion of wind and solar energy on land (Klima-, Energi- og Forsyningsministeriet, n.d.). The aims of this “national energy crisis staff”, called “NEKST” is to 1) support a faster expansion of wind and solar energy on land, 2) phase out natural gas in Danish homes, and 3) ensure a faster and more streamlined process for expanding the electrical grid. The working group on “Wind and solar energy on land” has identified barriers and solutions to four themes, first among them community acceptance (“lokal opbakning”).

In general, the working group recommends a more uniform regulatory framework across municipalities and states that it must be more attractive for municipalities to set aside land for renewable energy projects. Specific recommendations include: Transparency about local gains from installing renewable energy on land; a simpler and clearer payment scheme for municipalities; earlier payment of the “green fund” from developers to the municipality; a larger share of the tax revenue for the renewable energy systems to the municipalities, and the possibility of a voluntary agreement-based sale of electricity from RE plants to neighbors (NEKST-arbejdsgruppe Mere sol og vind på land, n.d.).

Example 5: Taskforce to pave the way for wind power, Iceland

In 2022, the Icelandic Ministry for the Environment, Energy, and Climate launched a task force to explore the potential for wind energy development in the country (Stjórnarráð Íslands 2023). Despite Iceland’s abundant renewable energy resources, primarily in geothermal and hydropower, rising energy demand and the need to diversify prompted the government to look toward wind power.

The task force was tasked with addressing legal, environmental, and social barriers to wind energy expansion. A key focus was on ensuring that wind power development aligns with Iceland’s national climate goals while minimizing environmental impacts and fostering social acceptance.

To facilitate this, the task force proposed legislative changes, such as incorporating wind energy into the existing Master Plan for Nature Protection and Energy Utilization (Rammaáætlun) or developing a standalone regulatory framework. Public consultation and the role of local governments were central to these proposals, with suggestions for clearer regulations on environmental impacts and mechanisms to distribute economic benefits to communities near wind farms.

The strategy aims to strike a balance between scaling up renewable energy production and ensuring that wind farms contribute to Iceland's climate commitments, while addressing the concerns of local communities and environmental protection.

Example 6: Competence center and guides, Norway

While competence centers of wind power projects exist (e.g. ‘Nasjonal vindenergisenter’ at Smøla), there is a call for establishing a neutral national competence center, which can provide for education and capacity building. According to THEMA Consulting Group (2024) such a competence center can help motivate municipal planners and politicians to make well-informed decisions in cases of wind power. A guide with “best practices” is also mentioned as being helpful when municipalities with lack of wind power experiences carry out their planning processes. The Ministry of Energy and the Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development have made a guide about how municipalities can coordinate planning processes with license processing in accordance with the Energy Act. It describes how municipalities, initiative holders, and others can contribute to effective processes for clarifying wind power development, and how they can facilitate inclusive participation. The guide also mentions the obligation to consult with Sámi interests.