Q8: Is decoupling made easier or more complicated because the world’s population is becoming increasingly urban?
Key points from the panel:
The evidence on this is still emerging.
Some advocate for urbanisation from an environment and climate perspective because you can achieve efficiency gains such as for energy supplies. Other argues against urbanisation in this context since the urban population, on average, is wealthier than the rural population. If living standards increase, then material consumption often increases, an example of rebound effects.
Q9: In the rich part of the world, we must face that we might have to lower our living standard, especially if we want a fair adjustment. Since some parts of the world need to grow and keep their economies growing while the rich countries need to grow less, would a well-being measurement make sense since we might have to accept decreasing living standards in a degrowth world?
Key points from the panel:
The economy is not growing because we measure GDP; it grows because of dynamics in our way of producing and consuming. Measuring something else will not immediately change those dynamics. By measuring something else, those dynamics will not necessarily change. But we, of course, need to lower the pressure on the planet, and that means de-growing our material production in some way. And it is essential that we are outspoken about how we do it and that it is the only fair solution for the planet. The role of other well-being or welfare measures is to show that we still can build good societies, but we need to focus on other things than GDP growth, and these measures should play a small role as indicators, but we should not rely on them.
It might be helpful to provide tools that allow individuals to imagine what kind of life they want to lead, what makes them happy, and, in terms of sufficiency, what is enough.
This is where it gets complicated because a consumption level in Denmark would not deliver the same level of happiness if you had the same consumption level in the U.S. due to cultural differences in expectations, education, etc. GDP is good in that it delivers comparable numbers, the methodology can be challenged, but it is well-established. What we are discussing now is, to a large extent, unknown territory that could deliver different results in different contexts, and it is too one-sided to consider de-growth as the only solution. Any solution needs to be multifaceted.
In the circular economy, everyone uses the circular material use rate parameter. It is the circular economy's GDP, and it is shaping the conversation. Circular economy policies are not only about recycling by looping the material resources but so much more. It is also about time, the time that materials are part of the anthropogenic stock, and the longer the time materials stay in the stock, the lower the embedded impacts. However, because we use the circular material use rate, we tend to revolve around the circularity of the loop. So, changing what we measure can shift the conversation and impact our direction.
Q10: The papers in the Nordic study ‘Is economic growth compatible with a sustainable Nordic future?’ identified direct, indirect, and systemic rebound effects as hugely problematic in all predictions of the impact on energy policy and climate policy. How can we tackle and counter this in a liberalised capitalist society?
Do we need to account for it in all our policies? Is it currently considered enough, and if not, what do we need to do?
Key points from the panel:
Sometimes rebound effects are described as something that happens by accident. We did something good, and then, whoops, we see rebound effects. But if you look at efficiency, efficiency is a major growth trigger. When you make something more efficient, it brings growth, so you should not be surprised. It is not an accident; it is the purpose of efficiency. We must address this if we want efficiency to bring something other than more consumption. You can endorse efficiency for many reasons but not for environmental reasons.
What you can do to address rebound effects is to put a cap on resource use and emissions.
Rebound effects would be less critical in a world where all the products would be taxed based on environmental impacts.
If we understand the system and how it behaves, we will acknowledge that rebound effects are a part of that system. We must consider how to counter phenomena that we think should be minimised. Using the forces of the market has been a tool for policy in other contexts like the emission trading scheme. We need to investigate the toolbox and see how to counter the phenomena we are currently not addressing.
Q11: During this debate, we have talked a lot about tax reforms. Do you see this tool as central to the development we want?
Key points from the panel:
SITRA has published a study on environmental tax reform that received much positive attention and broad support from the whole political spectrum in Finland, and it was implemented into the government program. There was a specific clause on environmental tax reform, but implementation has been relatively slow. On paper, it is excellent, but it isn't easy to implement at a greater scale.
It is also important to acknowledge the forces of the political debate and the boundaries of the European Union project, even if social science and economists conclude this is the right direction. Taxation is a politically sensitive area, and at an EU scale, it requires unanimity; it needs to become mainstream at a national level before it becomes a European policy.
However, other hard and ambitious directives are being adopted in the EU, such as the Eco design directive.
Many governments in the EU are facing a situation where their population are getting older. They need to raise new revenue streams for care, and one of the most significant potentials for new taxes, according to the SITRA study, is some carbon-based consumption tax on all products.